American Organ Academy seminars

Robin Côté

Robin Côté first grew up musically at Saint Joseph’s Oratory in Montréal receiving a strong musical training from Les Petits Chanteurs du Mont-Royal. It was also at that time that he was initiated to the organ, turning pages and pulling stops for Raymond Daveluy at the Oratory’s monumental Beckerath organ. Rapidly fascinated by the process of organbuilding, he joined the Juget-Sinclair team in 2002 to receive a complete apprenticeship. He went to France to work with Michel Jurine S.A.R.L. near Lyon to improve his understanding of French Symphonic organ design, nineteenth-century organ restoration techniques, and the traditional way of making polished tin façade pipes. Robin Côté learned every essential technique to build every part of the organ from metal casting to voicing. During numerous study trips, he had free access to the insides of many significant instruments of France, Spain, Sweden, Latvia, and the United States.

For twenty years, having contributed to the making of more than forty new organ projects as general organbuilder as well as designer and voicer, Côté has shared with his team the will of building organs without compromising anything in quality and refinement. That is why he evolved as one-third partner in 2013 and now co-owner along with Stephen Sinclair, taking part of the administration of the Juget-Sinclair workshop as president since 2018.

Even though this restoration project was performed years ago, I would like to dedicate this article to Gaston & Lucienne Arel, who were greatly responsible for the installation of this fantastic Beckerath organ. I had the chance to visit them at their house right before the pandemic lockdown. Gaston Arel died December 28, 2021, and this article is written in his memory.

Beckerath. I dare to argue that for any organist in Québec, as in the other Canadian provinces and the United States, this name remains significant and leaves no one indifferent. For many, Rudolf von Beckerath was the “star’’ organ builder who guided them through the rediscovery of the German Baroque organ and the possibility of articulation; while for others, it signified the end of the era dominated by super-legato. As for organbuilders, it seriously upset the order established in Québec in the 1950s; but also, it would have a profound influence on the organbuilding world, which has continued even to the present day, since Beckerath trained many apprentices who would become important organbuilders of the second half of the twentieth century. His instruments still fascinate young organists, organbuilders, and musicologists.

By the same token, carrying out the restoration of the organ of the Church of the Immaculate Conception could not be done without a certain emotional charge. Having myself bathed abundantly in the atmosphere created by the sound of the great Beckerath of Saint Joseph’s Oratory during my childhood in the oratory’s boys choir, and that of the Immaculate Conception during my training as an organist, I could only approach this project with deep respect. But before relating the different stages of the restoration project, I thought it good to go back to the origin to fully understand the context of ordering and installing this instrument. I would like to warmly thank Ms. Lucienne L’Heureux and the late Gaston Arel who agreed to share their memories, and to Russell J. Weismann for sharing some of his documentation on the Beckerath firm.

The origins of the 1961 project

Like many projects, one started with some particular circumstances. Installed in 1914, Casavant Frères Opus 565 deteriorated to the point where, in 1946, there was a need to carry out a major restoration. The console was replaced, but in the years that followed, Father Henri Lalonde, music director, reported that it 

would have caused countless hassles to all the organists who have used it since the installation. Mr. [Georges-Émile] Tanguay [the organist] started to complain about it only a few weeks after the inauguration. . . . [Raymond] Daveluy waited a year before requesting a complete review of the mechanism, which revealed two significant deficiencies. . . . Mr. [Gaston] Arel, since assuming his duties, had to return the tuner Mr. Philie [from Casavant Frères] every two or three months to repair the same defect, and always with the same results.¹ 

A decision had to be made about the future of this organ. It was therefore at the beginning of 1957 that Gaston Arel advised Father Lebel, parish priest, that there was an urgent need to act. Father Lebel replied quite simply, “You have carte blanche!”² As the Fathers began talks with Casavant to explore the avenue for a reconstruction of the existing instrument, news of the installation of the Beckerath organ for Trinity Lutheran Church in Cleveland, Ohio, came to their attention via their young organist, Gaston Arel.³

In the spring of 1957, knowing that Beckerath was working in Cleveland, but without further information, Gaston and Lucienne Arel decided to write to him to express the interest of the Immaculate Conception Church to acquire a new organ. To their surprise, as soon as the letter was delivered to Beckerath, he phoned them immediately. They informed him that there were several potential projects in Canada and that it would be worthwhile to visit Montréal and Québec City before returning to Hamburg. Beckerath’s visit came sooner than expected because, according to Gaston and Lucienne Arel’s memories, Beckerath was shocked to find that Trinity Lutheran Church had been lined with acoustic panels between the signing of the contract and the delivery of the organ. He then threatened to return to Hamburg with his pipes if the church did not correct the situation immediately. Beckerath was successful, and it took the church three weeks to remove the panels. Meanwhile, he went to Montréal to sell organs!

Palm Sunday of 1957 (April 14), Gaston and Lucienne went to Montréal airport to pick up the organbuilder. Lucienne remembers very well having recognized him instinctively! The same day, Raymond Daveluy, Kenneth Gilbert, and Lucienne and Gaston Arel met with Rudolf von Beckerath for dinner in a French restaurant in downtown Montréal. It was then that the first draft of the Immaculate Conception organ specification was born. In the blink of an eye, Beckerath worked out the stoplist on a restaurant placemat, still kept in the Arels’ personal archives.

Following this meeting, Beckerath went to visit the church and asked Gaston to come up and play some notes to get an idea of the acoustics of the place. However, a lady sneezed and Beckerath called Gaston, who was going to the organ loft, saying that it was no longer necessary to go up because he had heard the four seconds of reverberation! In the days that followed, Beckerath visited Queen Mary Road United Church and Saint Joseph’s Oratory. It must be said that Beckerath, having lived in Paris for nine years, spoke excellent French, which made communication easy for negotiating contracts in Québec, the largest French-speaking province in Canada.

Following the meeting, Gaston Arel wrote to request an official proposal, with or without casework, based on the stoplist made on the placemat, but asking to replace the five-rank Cornet in the Brustwerk, then requested, with a two-rank Terzian—Raymond Daveluy and Kenneth Gilbert having been convinced by the effect of this stop during their visit to the Cleveland organ.⁴ The initial proposal was sent in early June 1957. This initial project was to be installed on the first balcony and included forty-seven stops on three manuals: the Hauptwerk based on a 16′ Prinzipal, 32′ Fagott on the Pedal, and an 8′ Prinzipal on the Rückpositiv in two sections. The following June 20, Lucienne and Gaston Arel, accompanied by R. P. Henri Lalonde, went to Cleveland to play and hear the new organ. On his return from Cleveland, Arel wrote to Beckerath asking him to return a quote for the casework, also including a pedal coupler from either the Brustwerk or Rückpositiv.⁵ According to the writings of Gaston Arel, Father Lalonde “has not stopped talking about it to members of his community since he was so impressed. It is thanks to this good publicity that the business seems so assured.”⁶

However, the securing of this project required more than convincing the authorities of the church; it was first necessary to have the approval of the Provincial Father of the Jesuits in Montréal and then the assent of the Father General in Rome. It was not until the morning of September 9, 1957, that Gaston Arel received the final news that the Father General gave his approval for the project.⁷ As Arel wrote, “the first race being won, there is still a second one, which is financial.”⁸ It was necessary to secure the project with a back-up solution. The priest in charge of the finances requested another proposal for a reduced project saving $5,000–$6,000 CDN. The suggestion described by Gaston Arel was to base the Hauptwerk on an 8′ Principal and to remove the Gemshorn Celeste from the Brustwerk, but to include an 8′ Cromorne on one of the secondary keyboards.⁹ Following this request, the old organ was about to be sold for $7,000 CDN, and there were no longer any questions about reducing the organ. However, the Rückpositiv in two sections was not unanimously liked; Gaston Arel suggested to Beckerath to redesign the instrument with a single Rückpositiv. Arel also asked how long the assembly of the instrument would take and how many men would need to be lodged.¹⁰ More than a month later and still unanswered by Beckerath, Arel sent another letter asking for the weight of the organ. Finally, the letter came with all the requested information: the positiv in two sections was only to make room for the choirmaster and, in any case, it was more convenient to do it in one section. The installation was to require the presence of three men for three months.¹¹

The Fathers commissioned an engineer to find out if the first balcony could support the new organ. The idea was to ascertain if, in addition to having to demolish the second balcony, they should also strengthen the first. Thus they would only have to take out one loan for the preparatory work.¹² Unfortunately, the evaluation of the first balcony revealed a lack of solidity and therefore the obligation to strengthen the structure. The cost of this work was estimated at $20,000 CDN, bringing the total cost of the project to $50,000 CDN. The Father General of the Jesuits in Rome limited the authorities of the Immaculate Conception to $30,000 CDN, and the project ultimately had to be reduced to thirty-eight stops.¹³

Beckerath therefore returned a new, reduced proposal. He recommended placing the organ as far forward as possible on the second balcony to optimize the presence of the instrument in the church. The cost for thirty-eight stops was 100,382 DM, which was approximately $22,800 CDN.¹⁴ The Fathers could have $7,000 CDN for their old organ, so adding to the contract the excluded costs (transport, insurance, air tickets, work visas, 15% customs, installation and painting costs of organ), the whole should not exceed $37,000 CDN. According to Father Lalonde, it was the equivalent necessary for the reconstruction of the Casavant organ of 1914.¹⁵

Without having the exact date, the contract was signed by the authorities of the Immaculate Conception between March and May 1958, because the first payment was sent on May 21, stating that the contract was already signed. The organbuilder agreed to deliver the organ within the next twenty-four months.

It should be noted that according to the terms of the contract, the organ had to be paid in three installments: a first third upon signature; a second, eight months after the signature corresponding to the start of work; and the third upon presentation of official sea ​​transport documents, which means before the organ was even finished!¹⁶ The months passed, and the second payment was sent on January 20, 1959. Beckerath announced the end of the preparatory work for the construction of the organ to Father Lalonde, but that the construction of the parts could not begin until the completion of windchests of the organ for Saint Joseph’s Oratory, i.e., towards the end of 1959. Worse still, he announced that the union of woodworkers had wage increases applied to their members. This situation occurred twice during the execution of the contract and would have an obvious impact on the total price of the organ.¹⁷

A year later, Beckerath wrote to Father Lalonde at the end of April 1960 to inform him that he had made the final drawings for the casework of the new organ, and “that in view of the style of your church, I thought it right to choose rather classic shapes so that this case adapts well to the architecture of the nave.’’ He also announced that the Oratory organ had just been delivered, and that he would come to Montréal around September 1 for the voicing, bringing “the technical drawings to indicate the work to be done so that the new organ can be installed without difficulty.”¹⁸

In early 1960, a year before the installation, the Arels applied to the Canada Council for the Arts hoping to receive a grant for organ studies in Europe. They received their scholarship, and Gaston Arel hastened to write to Beckerath that he would leave with Lucienne on June 24 for a six-month stay. The trip was to include two months of instrument visits and a four-month internship with a master organist, possibly Helmut Walcha. Arel also mentioned that they would like to be able to stop in Hamburg to visit him and see the organ of the Immaculate Conception assembled in the workshop as well as to visit historic organs of the area.¹⁹ 

It was Beckerath who suggested that the Arels do their internship with Charles Letestu in Hamburg. With Letestu, they had very little to do with repertoire, but rather worked on articulation, historical fingering, and an innovative way of understanding music for that time. The Arels rented an apartment in Nienstedten in the western suburbs of Hamburg. They went into town to Letestu’s apartment for their lessons, which took place on a simple pedal clavichord! While in Hamburg, they visited Beckerath a few times at his home in Blankenese, a nearby village of Nienstedten on the banks of the Elbe.

When Beckerath had to leave for the voicing of the Oratory organ, it was the Arels who took him to the Hamburg airport. Beckerath told them at that time that he was worried about leaving for two months knowing that his wife Veronika was pregnant and that the child might be born before his return. The Arels reassured him by saying that they would be there to help his wife if needed.

According to legend, in the days after his arrival at the Oratory, he received a message that he put in his pocket to read later that evening. This message announced the birth of their son, Felix. Upon his return in November, Beckerath had the Arels over for dinner and told them about the dedication concert at the basilica on November 13, 1960. He also mentioned that he would transfer some stops to Immaculate Conception (16′ Soubasse) because they were too small for the dimensions of the basilica. At the Oratory, acoustic panels had been installed on the ceiling, greatly dampening the reverberation; but this time, Beckerath could not convince the authorities and had to react by having larger-scaled pipes delivered. Before their return to Montréal, the Arels also visited Lower Saxony in Beckerath’s company to visit historic organs. The experience was memorable because Beckerath knew which organs were worth seeing and hearing.²⁰

The following correspondence dealt with the delivery of the instrument. At the start of 1961 the organ was ready for delivery, but the Saint Lawrence River was still frozen. Some options were evaluated, such as getting the crates through the seaport of Québec City, but the cost was much higher. The transportation costs being at the expense of the church, the choice to wait for the opening of the Saint Lawrence Seaway on March 23 was self-evident because the cost of transportation via Québec City was $5,600 CDN, and the direct Hamburg-Montreal was only $3,850 CDN.²¹

Finally, the organ arrived safely in May. Having been informed of the arrival of the organ by his workers, Beckerath wrote to Father Lalonde to announce that he would come soon to finish and voice the organ while asking for the final payment, including the amount for the plane tickets (nearly $1,000 CDN).²² The organ was installed and voiced during the summer of 1961. Extensive media coverage preceded the inaugural recital, played by Gaston Arel on September 24, 1961, in commemoration of the 350th anniversary of the arrival of the Jesuits in Canada.

Following the imposing concert program, the numerous critics were unanimous as to the quality of the instrument and the organist’s playing, as illustrated by this extract by J. Keable from La Presse: “[. . .] rare that the organ gives emotion. At least as far as ordinary music lovers are concerned. Last night, Gaston Arel, on the new organ of the Immaculate Conception, achieved this feat.”²³ Without delay, the organ of the Immaculate Conception was played in concert and recorded numerous times. The organ concert society Ars Organi proved to be the great promoter of the instrument from the beginning.

Obviously, the project had its opponents, and many musicians expressed their opinion that it was unnecessary to have mechanical-action instruments to play early music. However, to quote Lucienne Arel, the small group formed by Daveluy, Gilbert, Arel, and Lagacé knew instinctively that these organs would have a definite impact on the generations to come. “It was too convincing, we couldn’t deny the obvious!’’²⁴ A question comes to mind, however, knowing the pre-Vatican II context: why a Germanic and Lutheran style instrument for a French-Canadian Catholic church? Gaston Arel’s response was spontaneous and unequivocal: to be able to play the music of Johann  Sebastian Bach. Musical desire transcends religious principles, and the authorities of the parish never questioned this choice.

The restoration of 2018

After more than fifty years of loyal service without major maintenance work, the organ of the Immaculate Conception had become mechanically unreliable and out of breath. The organ was still used extensively for both religious and educational purposes, as well as for the first round of the Canadian International Organ Competition. Although the idea of a restoration was launched almost ten years prior, it was not until 2018 that the funds were raised. We must salute here the dedication of the organist, Réal Gauthier, for his ability to repair the components of the pedal action, which were giving way one by one.

The organ condition before the work

We found in the manufacture of this instrument a great similarity with the great organ of Saint Joseph’s Oratory completed in 1960. Several components are identical, and most of the problems identified at the Immaculée were also found at the Oratory prior to its restoration in 2012. In general, the action was slowed down by friction, and the couplers required a complete readjustment. In the Pedal, the action had become completely misadjusted, and several parts were broken. The console had suffered the ravages of time—the hitch-down board, the expression pedal, and the pedalboard were extremely worn. The pearwood veneer on the keycheeks had lost its varnish, and dirt had settled everywhere. The case was stained with candle grease, and the only option was to repaint it, matching the original color. The primary reservoir was leaking, and the leather of the schwimmers under the windchests was starting to crumble. The pipework needed a lot of attention. The small pipes, having been tuned multiple times and at different temperatures, were collapsing at the mouth, causing many problems including instability of attack and tuning. The larger pipes were collapsing at the feet under their own weight, reducing the passage of wind. The result was a loss of sound volume and an unfocused sound and attack. The reeds, on the other hand, demanded full regulation of timbre and attack.

Restoration work

The restoration required more than 2,500 hours of work spread over four months from June to September 2018. All the mechanical elements were cleaned, repaired, and readjusted while minimizing friction. As the Hauptwerk’s pedal coupler (added by Helmuth Wolff in 1971) was from the beginning not easily adjustable, new brass wires with adjustable nuts were installed between the rollerboard and the backfalls. The grids of the windchests were leveled where the pallets are located. The pallets were also straightened and releathered. The pallet guides were then glued in place because they were known to fall from time to time causing ciphers as the pallet would become free to move laterally. All the leather in the wind system was replaced and the tremulants readjusted. The entire keydesk was restored to its original state. The pedalboard frame was reinforced, and a new adjustable bench was built. The original bench was placed next to the organ. A huge, sixty-foot scaffold had to be installed around the organ from the lower balcony to be able to reach all parts of the organ with a brush. The organ was repainted the same color as the original.

The 2,696 pipes were carefully cleaned and straightened. The scrolls were repaired and re-soldered where necessary. The lowest pipes of the Hauptwerk 8′ Prinzipal and 16′ Quintadena were suspended to prevent them from sagging further. The tin façade pipes were re-polished, and the zinc pipes thoroughly washed. Cracks in the 16′ Subbas pipes were filled with the same type of wood, and the stoppers were releathered. The reeds were all dismantled, the shallots leveled, the tuning wires adjusted, and the curves revised. Only two tongues had to be replaced. Each stop was regulated and tuned while respecting the original voicing.

In conclusion, we sincerely hope that this flagship instrument can still have a positive influence in the musical life of Montréal and Canada, and that this restoration will benefit students, teachers, organists, and the church community for a long time to come. We sincerely wish to thank all those who were involved in this project, particularly the Conseil du Patrimoine Religieux du Québec (Quebec Religious Heritage Council); the organist and music director, Réal Gauthier; the Canadian International Organ Competition (CIOC), represented then by John Grew and Thomas Leslie, for their dedication to this project.

1961 Rudolf von Beckerath

HAUPTWERK (Manual II)

16′ Quintadena

8′ Prinzipal

8′ Spitzflöte

4′ Oktav

4′ Blockflöte

2-2⁄3′ Nasat

2′ Oktav

2′ Flachflöte

Mixtur IV

16′ Fagott

8′ Trompete

RÜCKPOSITIV (Manual I)

8′ Gedeckt

8′ Quintadena

4′ Prinzipal

4′ Koppelflöte

2′ Gemshorn

1-1⁄3′ Nasat

Sesquialtera II

Scharf IV

16′ Dulzian

8′ Bärpfeife

BRUSTWERK (Manual III, enclosed)

8′ Holzgedackt

4′ Rohrflöte

2′ Prinzipal

1′ Sifflöte

Terzian II

Scharf III

8′ Dulzian

PEDAL

16′ Prinzipal

16′ Subbas

8′ Offenflöte

4′ Metalflöte

2′ Nachthorn

Rauschpfeife III

Mixtur V

16′ Posaune

8′ Trompete

4′ Schalmei

Notes

1. Pourquoi un orgue neuf, promotional media, R. P. Henri Lalonde, S.J. 

2. Interview of Gaston Arel by Robin Côté, 2020.

3. Lalonde.

4. Letter from Gaston Arel to Rudolf von Beckerath, June 1, 1957.

5. Letter from Gaston Arel to Beckerath, July 8, 1957. 

6. Ibid.  

7. Letter from Gaston Arel to Beckerath, September 9, 1957.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid.

10. Letter from Gaston Arel to Beckerath, September 17, 1957. 

11. Letter from Beckerath to Arel, October 25, 1957.

12. Letter from Gaston Arel to Beckerath, October 22, 1957.

13. Letter from R. P. Henri Lalonde to Beckerath, February 20, 1958.

14. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Henri Lalonde, March 13, 1958.

15. Pourquoi un orgue neuf, promotional media, R. P. Henri Lalonde, S.J.

16. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Henri Lalonde, March 13, 1958.

17. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Lalonde, February 12, 1959.

18. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Lalonde, April 21, 1960.

19. Letter from Gaston Arel to Beckerath, April 25 1960.

20. Interview of Gaston Arel by Robin Côté, 2020.

21. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Lalonde, January 6, 1961.

22. Letter from Beckerath to R. P. Lalonde, May 17, 1961.

23. La Presse, September 25, 1961.

24. Interview of Lucienne L’Heureux-Arel by Robin Côté, 2020.

Stephen L. Pinel

Stephen L. Pinel holds two degrees from Westminster Choir College, Princeton, New Jersey, and did graduate study in historical musicology at New York University. A church musician for forty-five years, he retired from full-time work in the fall of 2017, but immediately accepted another appointment as organist and choirmaster at All Saints Church, Bay Head, New Jersey. He held a Langley Fellowship at New York University, is a member of Pi Kappa Lambda Music Honor Society, an honorary member of the Organ Historical Society, and a past chair of the St. Wilfrid Club of New York City. He is the author of several books and regularly contributes articles on organ history both here and abroad.

In 1984, William T. Van Pelt, then the executive director of the Organ Historical Society, wrote in The Tracker: Concomitant to the popularity of photography at the end of the nineteenth century was the blossoming of picture postcards that fortuitously embraced organs and church interiors among a wide range of subjects. Cards provide the examples we need to study architectonics and the visual evolution of organs, as well as traits of contemporary builders and their instruments. In some cases, a card represents the only remaining record of an organ’s existence.²

An accomplished photographer, Van Pelt had an uncanny awareness of the pipe organ as an entity of visual art. Like fine furniture, painting, sculpture, or any other form of high art, organ cases designed by organbuilders are distinctive and have identifiable characteristics. Cognizant of their usefulness for study, Van Pelt challenged the members of the OHS to search local antique and book stores for postcards showing vintage pipe organs. By the time his article was prepared for publication, ten society members had submitted more than a hundred cards. Sixteen were chosen to illustrate the article.³ In the thirty-five years since his article appeared, hundreds of organ postcards have surfaced, showing a wide variety of instruments by dozens of American organbuilders.

For context, some fundamentals of postcards may be informative. Cards are usually printed on thick paper or thin cardboard and measure approximately 3½ by 5½ inches. An image appears on the front, while the back is bifurcated—a message is written on the left with the address on the right. When mailed, postcards usually have a lesser rate than first-class postage, so they are slightly less expensive to send. Cards are often used to convey short messages, share memories of distinctive locations, or advertise events. Postcards differ from postal cards—the latter refers to those “special” cards issued by the postal service with the “stamp” already in place. Only the post office can issue postal cards. During the first four decades of the twentieth century, postcards cost a penny to mail, and were often called “penny postcards.”

While a few postcards were issued during the nineteenth century, it was not until the United States Congress passed the Private Mailing Card Act of May 19, 1898, that private individuals, companies, vacation destinations, and ecclesiastical organizations were permitted to print and distribute postcards. Previously, the United States Post Office held the monopoly. The heyday of the postcard was between 1900 and 1945, and one has only to type “postcard” into eBay.com to locate tens of thousands of cards, covering every imaginable topic the world over. Postcards are inexpensive, highly collectable, and an entire subculture has evolved around them at “swap meets” and shows of ephemera. The research value of old cards is that the subject matter may have changed or disappeared,⁴ and the images they display are often not found elsewhere. Stated directly, postcards are primary source documents.

There were several types of postcards. The earliest, published during the period 1900 to 1910, had a small black and white image on the front, surrounded by a white border. The address was written on the back, and if a message was included, it had to be written on the front of the card beside the image. In March 1907, the “divided back” was unveiled. This allowed for the message and the address to be written on the back, but freed the entire front of the card for the image. By 1910, postcards began to be published in color and were immediately mass-produced in huge quantities. About 1930, “linen” post cards first appeared. Those were printed on card stock with high-rag content, but the pressing of a machine gave the impression that the image was printed on linen. The most desirable cards dating from the first decades of the twentieth century were actual photographs, published on photographic paper. Those cards frequently carry high-quality images in keen focus and are eagerly sought by collectors. The final type, called the “chrome” postcard, came into circulation about 1950. They are published from a color photograph and have a shiny, glossy finish. Chrome cards are the type most often found today in souvenir shops.⁵

There are many ways to identify and date postcards. Some images are fully identified on the card itself. Other clues may be deduced from the postmark, since a card was often mailed from its place of origin and a date usually accompanies the postmark. Obviously, the card must pre-date the postmark. Moreover, the image may offer clues to identify the card. Many of the pipe organs pictured on postcards during the first decades of the twentieth century were new when the cards were issued. Organs were expensive, and some organ cards were produced immediately after a new instrument was installed. A few cards actually declare: “Our new pipe organ!” Finally, the style of the stamp may help to narrow the date if the postmark is either faint or incomplete. The post office redesigned stamps every few years. The older cards usually have a one-cent “Franklin,” while by the second decade of the twentieth century it was a one-cent “Washington.”

American organbuilders soon realized the reward of using postcards for promotion. The Estey Organ Co. in Brattleboro, Vermont, the Votteler-Hettche Organ Co. in Cleveland, Ohio, and the Wicks Organ Co. in Highland, Illinois (among others), distributed organ postcards. They were an inexpensive way to advertise recent installations and simultaneously impressed prospective customers. Estey was especially prolific with this method of marketing: several dozen organ cards issued by the firm have been gathered over the years. Sometimes those cards represent an important historical record because the organs they illustrate are now lost to history.

Some postcard organs are well known. This card (Illustration 1) was mailed from New York City to West Stockbridge, Massachusetts, on April 20, 1929, and shows the interior of the Cathedral of Saint John the Divine at 110th Street in New York City. The organ, Ernest M. Skinner Company Opus 150, completed in 1910, is a huge, four-manual instrument of some 150 ranks⁶ and was dedicated by Clarence Dickinson (1873–1969) in April 1911. Since the card was issued, the organ has been renovated several times, notably under the direction of Ernest M. Skinner & Son in 1939, and by G. Donald Harrison (1889–1956) in 1953.⁷ The organ was restored in 2008 by Quimby Pipe Organs, Inc., of Warrensburg, Missouri.⁸ This spectacular vista, photographed from high in the cathedral, looks down at the chancel and choir. It shows the Skinner organ located on opposite sides of the chancel at the triforium level and provides a vivid impression of the enormity of the space.

Another famous postcard organ (Illustration 2) is the Newberry Memorial Organ in Woolsey Hall at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. A large, four-manual instrument built by the Hutchings-Votey Organ Co. of Boston, the organ was opened on June 20, 1903, by a triumvirate of prominent organists: Henry Benjamin Jepson, Yale University; Wallace Goodrich, Trinity Episcopal Church, Boston; and Gaston M. Dethier, St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church, New York City.⁹ The organ had an early type of electro-pneumatic action designed by Hutchings employee Harry F. Van Wart. The success of the instrument earned its maker, Geo. S. Hutchings (1835–1913), an honorary Master of Arts degree from the university. The card was mailed from New Haven to Springfield Gardens, Long Island, New York, on September 10, 1910, only seven years after the organ was built. In 1915, the organ was greatly enlarged and renovated by the J. W. Steere & Son Organ Co. of Springfield, Massachusetts,¹⁰ and again in 1928 by the Skinner Organ Company.¹¹ This circa 1908 postcard shows the original organ case before it was reworked in 1928.¹²

A few postcard organs (Illustration 3) had grandiose cases! This elegant example was mailed from Richmond, Virginia, to Lena, Indiana, on November 7, 1909, and shows a major, three-manual organ in the Catholic Cathedral of the Sacred Heart. It was built by John Brown (1851–1912) of Wilmington, Delaware, who opened his organ shop in 1887.¹³ Brown, an Englishman by birth, was in business for some twenty-five years and built many organs for congregations in the middle-Atlantic and southern United States. Located in the cathedral’s gallery with an opulent fan of radiating trumpet pipes, the case is reminiscent of the 1869 Geo. Jardine & Son organ at St. George’s Episcopal Church, Stuyvesant Square, New York City. Completed in August 1906, the Brown organ is described in detail in the Richmond Times-Dispatch, but its tubular-pneumatic playing action proved problematic.¹⁴ Only six years later, the organ was rebuilt by M. P. Möller as their Opus 1334, 1912, and the action was converted to electro-pneumatic. Later still, the organ was rebuilt again by the Tellers Organ Co. of Erie, Pennsylvania, and today, almost nothing of the original 1906 organ remains except for the front pipes. Noted historian Donald R. Traser wrote in 2002 that the organ was considered by Mr. Brown to be his masterpiece!¹⁵ 

Some postcards show organs installed decades before. This card (Illustration 4), sent from South Hadley to Charlemont, both in Massachusetts, was mailed on October 6, 1910. It shows the interior of the Old South Church in Boston. Visible in the gallery is an 1822, two-manual organ by Thomas Elliot (1759?–1832), built in London. Henry Corrie (1786–1858), an English organbuilder, accompanied the instrument “across the pond” to superintend its installation.¹⁶ Following its opening on November 22, 1822, Corrie remained in Boston. After working briefly for Thomas Appleton (1785–1872), he settled in Philadelphia and became the leading maker of organs in that city between 1826 and 1850.¹⁷ The Old South organ was rebuilt by E. & G. G. Hook as their Opus 246, 1859, and the projecting keydesk, shown in the card, is the product of their renovation.¹⁸ An organ from the 1820s would have had a recessed keydesk with stopknobs arranged in vertical columns at the sides. The “new” Old South Church on Boylston Street had a three-manual organ by Hutchings, Plaisted & Co., Opus 58, 1875, and later still, a four-manual organ by Ernest M. Skinner Company, Opus 231, 1915. In 1876, the 1822 Elliot organ was moved second-hand to St. Mary’s Catholic Church in Milford, Massachusetts, where it survived until it was broken up for parts about 1955.¹⁹

A circa 1910 card shows a handsome 1872 instrument (Illustration 5) in the front of the Washington Street Methodist Episcopal Church in Petersburg, Virginia.²⁰ The maker of the organ is unconfirmed, yet it appears to be the work of Geo. Stevens (1803–1894) of East Cambridge, Massachusetts. The case bears astonishing resemblance to the 1871 Stevens organ in the First Congregational Church, Rindge, New Hampshire.²¹ Stevens had worked for William Goodrich (1777–1833) and following the latter’s death, set up shop in partnership with William Gayetty (d. 1839). Stevens’s organs were characterized by fine workmanship and stately cases. Stevens built another organ for a Virginia client in 1861: a two-manual instrument for the Broad Street Methodist Episcopal Church in Richmond, installed just as the Civil War began.²² The Petersburg organ remained until it was replaced with a two-manual organ by the Estey Organ Co., Opus 1205, 1913, of Brattleboro, Vermont.

Yet another card shows the sumptuous interior of Trinity Church, Episcopal, in Watertown, New York, with its elaborate Gothic tracery. The organ (Illustration 6) is Johnson & Son Opus 856, 1898, a three-manual organ with thirty registers built in Westfield, Massachusetts.²³ Visible in the image is a reversed console with the organ installed in a right-hand chamber beside the chancel. The installation was completed on March 29 and the organ was first used on Easter Day, 1898. It was later replaced by Skinner Organ Company Opus 457, 1924, and was moved second-hand to the Adirondack Community Church in Lake Placid, New York, where it was installed by Buhl & Blashfield, a Utica, New York, firm.²⁴ Johnson & Son organs were of superb quality and were among the finer organs built in nineteenth-century America.

Three postcard organs were promotional materials issued by well-known American firms. The first (Illustration 7) was built by the Wicks Organ Co., Opus 8, 1909, for the German Ev. St. Petri Church, Okawville, Illinois. The second (Illustration 8) was the work of Votteler-Hettche of Cleveland, Ohio, and was installed in the First Methodist Episcopal Church, Petoskey, Michigan. The third instrument (Illustration 9) was built by the Estey Organ Co., Opus 505, 1907, a two-manual organ for the First Congregational Church, Chelsea, Massachusetts.

University organs are also occasionally represented. This card shows the interior of the auditorium at Valparaiso University in Valparaiso, Indiana. The organ (Illustration 10), built in 1907 by W. W. Kimball of Chicago, Illinois, was a gift of the alumni and was a large two-manual instrument with tubular-pneumatic action. The card was mailed from Valparaiso to Bridgeport, Connecticut, on October 5, 1911, and the message reads in part: “We attend chapel exercises in this place at 8:30 every morning. I have only missed two mornings as yet. We are nicely settled and like it very much.” The large piano on the stage looks like the work of Steinway & Sons! The Kimball organ was rebuilt by Hillgreen-Lane & Co. of Alliance, Ohio, in 1947 and was unfortunately destroyed with the building by fire on November 27, 1956.²⁵

Occasionally, a postcard showing an organ was distributed for parochial purposes. This handsome card (Illustration 11) from the First Reformed Church in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, reminded recipients that a “Sunday School Rally Service” was to be held on Sunday, October 7, 1906, at 2 p.m. The organ in the image was dedicated by the noted blind organist, David D. Wood of Philadelphia, on Thursday evening, October 22, 1891.²⁶ It was built by John W. Otto (1846–1892) of Baltimore, had two manuals and pedals, and cost $1,600.27. Otto was the brother of Louise Pomplitz (1836–1924), and at one time worked for the better-known firm, the Pomplitz Church Organ Co.

A postcard mailed from Port Huron, Michigan, to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on October 2, 1913, is a fine example of a photographic card. The organ (Illustration 12), built by Hillgreen, Lane & Co., Opus 24, 1901, is an early instrument from the firm. The company was the partnership of Alfred Hillgreen (1859–1923), a Swedish immigrant, and Charles Alva Lane (1854–1933). Ultimately, three generations of the Hillgreen family built organs in Alliance, Ohio, between 1898 and 1973. The case shown here is unusually elegant and looks splendid in this turn-of-the century edifice. Note, in addition to the Methodist communion rail, that the choir has seating for almost fifty singers. That is a luxury not many of us enjoy today. The organ had two manuals with “pneumatic couplers”²⁸ and was opened in recital by a Mr. N. Crawthorne and other artists on Friday evening, July 26, 1901.²⁹

Another photographic card shows an organ (Illustration 13) in the Presbyterian Church of Pawnee City, Nebraska. Built in 1908 by the Hinners Organ Co. of Pekin, Illinois, the Hinners list states that the organ had nine registers. The Hinners Co. was known for its catalog organs. A congregation could order an organ through the mail, and the purchase included a set of directions so a member of the congregation could set up the organ! Many Hinners organs were located in rural locations in the Northern Plains, particularly in Nebraska and the Dakotas.³⁰ 

A third photographic postcard mailed from King Ferry, New York, on November 24, 1916, shows an organ (Illustration 14) in the Presbyterian Church built by Clarence E. Morey (1872–1935) of Utica, New York. The small, two-manual organ, his Opus 247, 1907, is recessed into an alcove at the front of the room, behind a raised pulpit platform. Visible in the cleanly focused image are only six stopknobs. Morey worked in Utica until his death in 1935³¹ and built several hundred small organs for the rural churches of Upstate New York. His organs were well built, durable, and many still serve their congregations today after a century of use.³²

Plenty of postcard organs are unidentified. Three interesting cards (Illustrations 15, 16, and 17) were never mailed and have no postmark or stamp. There is no indentifying information. If any reader of The Diapason recognizes any of those organs, the editor would be pleased to receive a letter with the details. Currently the largest collection of organ postcards is held by the Library and Archives of the Organ Historical Society at Stoneleigh in Villanova, Pennsylvania. The archivist there, Dr. Bynum Petty, would be pleased to receive donations of new cards.

Modern scholars and historians have had a tendency to dismiss postcards as trivial, but they remain a significant—and largely untapped—source of information for the study of early twentieth-century American pipe organs. For the evolution of case designs, they are essential. It is only by placing these images side by side that perceptive historians can note the common traits and the progression of style. The next time you pass a shoebox of old postcards in an antique or book store, take a moment to thumb through them. You might find the unique image of an old American pipe organ that is long gone.

Notes

1. Deltiology is the formal word for the collecting and study of postcards. Its etymology is two Greek words: deltion, a small writing tablet, and logy, to hew or to study. The word was first recognized by Merriam-Webster about 1965.

2. William T. Van Pelt, “Post Card Organs,” The Tracker, vol. 28, no. 3 (1984): 21–26.

3. Ibid. 

4. Maurice Rickards, The Encyclopedia of Ephemera: A Guide to the Fragmentary Documents of Everyday Life for the Collector, Curator, and Historian, s.v. “Postcards” (New York: Routledge, [c. 2001]): 249–50.

5. Ibid.

6. “Notes About Town. The new organ of the cathedral . . .,” The New York Age, vol. 24, no. 15 (January 12, 1911): 4.

7. The Great Organ at The Cathedral of St. John the Divine—Description, History, Condition—A Plan for Restoration ([New York, New York:], Cathedral of St. John the Divine, [1992]). 

8. Michael Quimby, John L. Speller, Douglass Hunt, and Eric Johnson, “Cover Feature. Resurgence of a Landmark Instrument. The Restoration of the Great Organ in the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, New York City,” The American Organist, vol. 43, no. 11 (November 2009): 40–43.

9. Edward W. Flint, The Newberry Memorial Organ at Yale University: A Study in the History of American Organ Building (New Haven: Yale University Press; and London: Oxford University Press, 1930), 19; hereafter, Flint; and Joseph F. Dzeda, “Cover Feature. Newberry Organ Restoration Nears Completion,” The Diapason, vol. 107, no. 11 (November 2016): 26–28.

10. “Firm Rebuilding Big Yale Organ,” The Springfield (Massachusetts) Union, vol. 52, no. 307 (November 6, 1915): 3.

11. “Skinner Organ for Woolsey Hall, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.,” Stop, Open and Reed, vol. 5, no. 1 (September 1929): 18–19.

12. Flint, frontispiece.

13. “A Busy Organ-Tuner,” Wilmington (Delaware) Daily Republican, vol. 18, no. 95 (April 9, 1887): 1.

14. “Organ Specially Designed,” The (Richmond, Virginia) Times-Dispatch, No. 17,361 (October 28, 1906): 6; and “View in New Cathedral Showing Great Organ,” TD, No. 17,545 (April 29, 1907): 8.

15. Donald R. Traser, The Organ in Richmond: A History of the Organs, Organists, and Organ Music in Richmond, Virginia, from 1816 to 2001 (Richmond, Virginia: Richmond Chapter, American Guild of Organists. 2001): 92–94.

16. Hamilton Andrews Hill, History of the Old South Church (Third Church) Boston, 1669–1884 (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1890): 446–81.

17. Stephen L. Pinel, “Late from London: Henry Corrie, Organbuilder, and His Family,” The Tracker, vol. 40, no. 4 (1996): 11–23.

18. “Old South Church Organ,” Boston (Massachusetts) Evening Transcript, vol. 30, no. 8,839 (March 26, 1859): 1; and “New Organ at the Old South Church,” (Boston) Daily Evening Traveller [sic], vol. 3, no. 180 (May 2, 1859): 2.

19. “Letters to the Editor,” The Tracker, vol. 14, no. 2 (Winter 1970): 17. 

20. “New Organ Arrived,” The Petersburg (Virginia) Index, vol. 14, no. 31 (October 8, 1872): 5.

21. Organ Historical Society, Organ Handbook (1974): 44–45.

22. “Broad Street M. E. Church,” (Richmond, Virginia) Daily Dispatch, vol. 19, no. 57 (March 19, 1861): 2.

23. John Van Varick Elsworth, The Johnson Organs: The Story of One of Our Famous American Organ Builders (Harrisville, New Hampshire: The Boston Organ Club Chapter of the Organ Historical Society, 1984): 151.

24. Scot L. Huntington, Barbara Owen, Stephen L. Pinel, and Martin R. Walsh, Johnson Organs 1844–1898: A Documentary Issued on the 200th Anniversary of his Birth (Cranbury, New Jersey: The Princeton Academy of the Arts, Culture, and Society, 2015): 150.

25. Organ Historical Society, Organ Handbook (2002): 101.

26. “Organ Recital,” Carlisle (Pennsylvania) Daily Herald, vol. 6, no. 29 (October 23, 1891): 1.

27. “The Organ Accepted,” Carlisle (Pennsylvania) Weekly Herald, vol. 91, no. 42 (October 15, 1891): 3. 

28. “The McCormick Memorial: Fine New Organ First Heard in a Recital Friday Evening,” Port Huron (Michigan) Daily Times, vol. 30 (July 27, 1901): 5.

29. “First Recital on the Organ: Affair at the Methodist Church Last Night was a Great Success,” The (Port Huron, Michigan) Daily Herald, No. 305 (July 27, 1901): 3.

30. Allison Alcorn-Oppedahl, “A History of the Hinners Organ Company of Pekin, Illinois,” The Tracker, vol. 44, no. 3 (2000): 13–25. 

31. “Death Claims C. E. Morey, 63, Organbuilder,” Utica (New York) Observer Dispatch, vol. 14, no. 51 (June 21, 1935): 23; and “C. E. Morey, 63, Succumbs Here,” Utica Daily Press, vol. 54, no. 87 (June 21, 1935): 4.

32. T. L. Finch, “Organ Building in Upstate New York in the Nineteenth Century,” The Bicentennial Tracker (1976): 68–69.

 

Photo: Illustration 1: the interior of the Cathedral of Saint John the Divine, New York City, and Ernest M. Skinner Company Opus 150, completed in 1910 (All cards that accompany this article are from the author’s collection)

Stephen Schnurr

Stephen Schnurr is editorial director and publisher for The Diapason; director of music for Saint Paul Catholic Church, Valparaiso, Indiana; and adjunct instructor of organ at Valparaiso University.

Editor’s note: much of the information in this article was delivered as a lecture for the Ernest M. Skinner Sesquicentennial Conference on April 25, 2016, in Evanston, Illinois. The conference was sponsored by the Chicago, North Shore, and Fox Valley Chapters of the American Guild of Organists, the Chicago-Midwest Chapter of the Organ Historical Society, the Music Institute of Chicago, and The Diapason.

The first part of this series appeared in The Diapason, April 2021, pages 14–20. The article focused on the first contracts of the Skinner firm in the Chicago area.

Saint Luke’s Episcopal Church of Evanston, Illinois, was founded in July 1885 as a mission of Saint Mark’s Episcopal Church, also of Evanston. The new congregation’s first services were conducted in Ducat’s Hall. Within a month, a store was rented on Chicago Avenue for services.

In October 1886, ground was broken for the congregation’s first church building of frame construction at the northeast corner of Lincoln Avenue (later Main Street) and Sherman Avenue. The building was occupied for services in May of the following year. The church was consecrated on November 10, 1889, and it would be expanded twice. Saint Luke’s was given parish status on January 1, 1891.¹

This building was served by a small organ by an unknown builder. In February 1894, the church purchased Hook & Hastings Opus 1605, a two-manual, twelve-stop instrument (twenty-one registers), at a cost of $1,840.

The parish began construction for the present building in 1906 with an estimated cost of $125,000. Considered by many to be the best design of the oeuvre of architect John Sutcliffe (1853–1913), the edifice was erected in several stages and was apparently modeled on Tintern Abbey in Wales. Sutcliffe, a native of England, was active in Chicago from 1892 until his death in 1913. Among his other commissions was Grace Episcopal Church of Oak Park, Illinois.

In the first stage of the new construction, the walls of the church were built to a height of ten feet, accomplished in 1907. In 1910, the Lady Chapel was completed. Four years later, the nave of the main church was completed to a height of seventy feet. The interior decoration of the nave was never completed. The fifteen-foot-high hanging rood was carved by Johannes Kirchmayer, a native of Oberammergau, Germany, who worked in Boston, Massachusetts. Saint Luke’s Church was used as the pro-cathedral of the Episcopal Diocese of Chicago from 1932 until 1941. The Bishop of Chicago at that time was the Right Reverend George Craig Stewart, who had previously served as rector of Saint Luke’s.

When the first portion of the church was finished in 1907, Saint Luke’s purchased an organ from Coburn & Taylor of Chicago, an instrument that is known to have utilized the case and façade pipes of the Hook & Hastings organ (and perhaps, if not likely, more). The two-manual instrument had fourteen stops. It cost $2,600, less $1,800 for the Hook & Hastings. The Coburn & Taylor was installed temporarily behind the pulpit on the chancel floor, now a part of the south ambulatory. It was used until 1922, and its fate is unknown.

For the Lady Chapel, Casavant Frères of Canada installed its Opus 386, a two-manual, twelve-stop, tubular-pneumatic-action organ, finished in 1910.²

1910 Casavant Frères Opus 386

GREAT (Manual I)

8′ Open Diapason 61 pipes

8′ Melodia 61 pipes

8′ Dulciana 61 pipes

SWELL (Manual II, enclosed)

16′ Bourdon 61 pipes

8′ Stopped Diapason 61 pipes

8′ Salicional 61 pipes

8′ Voix Celeste 61 pipes

8′ Aeoline 61 pipes

4′ Dolce Flute 61 pipes

8′ Oboe 61 pipes

Tremulant

PEDAL

16′ Gedeckt

16′ Bourdon (Sw)

Couplers

Great to Pedal 8

Swell to Pedal 8

Great to Great 4

Swell to Great 16

Swell to Great 8

Swell to Great 4

Swell to Swell 16

Swell to Swell 4

Accessories

2 Great pistons

3 Swell pistons

Great to Pedal reversible

Balanced Swell expression shoe

Balanced Crescendo shoe

The need for a pipe organ worthy of the new church edifice

When the nave of the church was completed to its intended height, the Coburn & Taylor organ was found to be inadequate for the much larger space. In early 1920, Herbert Hyde was appointed organist and choirmaster for Saint Luke’s. Hyde was an accomplished musician who had served Saint John’s, Ascension, and Saint Peter Episcopal parishes in Chicago as well as the Chicago Symphony Orchestra and had studied with Clarence Dickinson, Charles-Marie Widor, and Joseph Bonnet. Plans and fundraising were commenced practically immediately by the rector, Father Stewart, and Hyde for a substantial new instrument. Fortunately, the church’s archives contain a fountain of interesting letters and documents related to this process.

Negotiations for the organ quickly focused on the Skinner Organ Company of Boston, Massachusetts. Surviving correspondence in the church archives between the church and the organbuilder are primarily between Hyde and William Zeuch, Skinner vice-president. Zeuch had until recently lived in Chicago (his family was still there) and was good friends with Hyde. (The Zeuch family residence at 2833 Kenmore Avenue, Chicago, would see Skinner Opus 424 installed in 1923, a two-manual, twenty-two-rank organ that replaced a 1905 Marshall-Bennett organ.) Hyde and Zeuch referred to each other in correspondence as “Bert” and “Bill,” respectively. Despite the lack of letters from Ernest Skinner, one cannot discount his interest in the design and construction of the organ, as it was to be the largest installation by the firm in the Chicago region to that date.

The first surviving letter is from Zeuch to Hyde, May 13, 1920, noting that Hyde had submitted two specifications, one on May 6, the other on May 11. Hyde’s specifications were created with the consultation of his teacher Joseph Bonnet, Eric DeLamarter of Fourth Presbyterian Church, Chicago (which housed 1914 Skinner Opus 210), and Zeuch. Zeuch felt the second specification was much better, except for:

. . . the lack of a large scale string, such as a Gamba and Gamba Celeste on the Solo Organ. . . . You mention a large scale Viol d’ Orchestre. Could this not serve as one rank of such a string? Permit me to call your attention to the fact that all our Celestes run through to low C (of the manual keyboard) except the Unda Maris and the Flute Celeste. I have a slight personal preference for a Flute Celeste made with a Spitz on the Swell Organ. The scale and voicing of the stops of that name on my organ are of remarkably subtle charm, which I am sure you would be quick to appreciate.

I am with you without reservation on the “no borrowing” idea. I resort to this expedient only on small 2 manual specifications, where it is desirable to have several accompanimental stops on the Great Organ under expression.

For the price tag of $47,950 without casework, this would, Zeuch declared, provide “a perfect specification, and would give you the greatest organ in the country. It is not given to many organists to have an organ built just as they want it, and I congratulate you that you are to have this great fortune.”

Price would be a point of considerable discussion between the church and the builder, as Hyde stated in his letter to Zeuch, December 9, 1920, the church vestry “refuse to have the cost of the organ exceed $49,999.99,” which was a large sum for an organ in that day (nearly $675,000 in today’s currency). In this same letter, Hyde wanted the specification altered to remove the 8′ Dulciana from the Choir at a savings of $580; addition of a Dulcet II in its place at $828; addition of 16′ Violone/8′ Cello in the Pedal at $1,242; addition of Chimes at $993; and duplexing the Harp/Celesta on the Swell for $180; bringing the total cost of the organ to $52,613, without casework. Hyde embarrassingly asks the Skinner firm if they would kindly build the organ for less than $50,000.

A memorandum dated December 30, 1920, indicates that Zeuch had come to the Chicago area in order to meet with key people of Saint Luke’s Church. Between December 9 and the meeting, the Skinner firm offered to build the organ with the changes except the Chimes to be left prepared at the console at a cost of $49,998. The church further convinced Zeuch to allow a 5% discount for cash, amounting to $2,499.90, pending vestry approval.

A contract with the Skinner Organ Company and the church dated January 4, 1921, was signed on January 14 in the amount of $47,500 for a four-manual, 83-stop instrument of 5,343 pipes, Opus 327. (The Chimes were included, a memorial to William N. Cotterell.) Zeuch signed for the builder; Gabriel F. Slaughter, chairman of the music committee, signed for the church. Completion was set for January 10, 1922. The first payment of $10,000 was due on October 1, 1921, with the balance of $37,500 due “on completion and acceptance by a committee of three; one to be appointed by organ builders, one member by the church, these two to select a third member.”

The arrival of the Skinner organ

The blower arrived at the church December 9, 1921, well ahead of the rest of the instrument. It was clear in a letter from Zeuch on December 21, 1921, that the organ was behind schedule:

The organ is in the works and making good progress, tho I am sorry to say it is not yet sufficiently advanced to leave the factory. A few weeks more will suffice for that so that you will soon have tangible evidence of a new organ. Your suggestion to put more men on the work is interesting, if not practical. If you know of any skilled and experienced organ builders that would like a job with us send on as many as you care to. There is plenty of work for them.

As far as being late with our contracts is concerned, we are not the only ones. I don’t know of an organ concern in the country that meets their deliveries as called for. It isn’t possible in the nature of the business. Besides there is another side to the story. Last year we had six organs in storage all completed and ready for installation but held up because the buildings were not ready to receive them. At present moment we have two such cases. If we had the gift of prophecy it would indeed be helpful.

On Christmas Eve, Slaughter wrote to the Skinner firm as to when to expect the organ to be shipped:

Since it takes several weeks to install the organ, and as you may know the Ecclesiastical kalendar is strictly observed, and Lent arrives on the first of March, you will realize our anxiety lest any continued delay might make it impossible for us to open the new organ with an appropriate series of recitals.

The first railcar of the organ was not shipped until April 7, 1922. (Easter Sunday occurred April 16.) In all, a total of twelve railroad freight cars were dispatched to Evanston’s Main Street station, two blocks from the church. The organ was announced on the front page of The Diapason’s March 1, 1921, issue, along with a specification and a picture of Herbert Hyde.

When the Skinner organ was installed in the nave, the action of the Casavant organ in the Lady Chapel was electrified, and this instrument was made playable from the main organ console as an Echo division. Skinner added an 8′ Vox Humana to the Echo. The Skinner main console of four manuals was movable within a radius of twelve feet, situated in the choir stalls of the chancel. The chapel organ had a new console installed for use in that space. In the main organ chamber, the Choir and Pedal divisions were installed at the bottom, with the Great and Solo above, and the Swell at the top.

Installation of the organ was supervised by William S. Collins. Regulating, tuning, and “delicate voicing” was accomplished by Gust Bergkvist. Simplified casework was installed, with the more complex casework designed by the architect Thomas Tallmadge of Chicago’s Tallmadge & Watson created later. As eventually completed, the main façade facing the chancel includes some eighty-six speaking pipes from the Great and Pedal diapasons. A smaller façade in the south aisle is composed of non-speaking pipes.

The instrument was dedicated on Sunday, October 15, 1922, in a service presided over by the Right Reverend Sheldon Munson Griswold, Suffragan Bishop of Chicago, with Hyde at the console. The choir sang Hyde’s composition for the occasion, “O Praise the Lord of Heaven.” In the afternoon, assistant organist Mack Evans gave a brief program. That evening, Hyde presented a recital to the public, which was a capacity crowd.

Mr. Evans’s program was as follows:

Grand Choeur, Guilmant

Prayer and Cradle Song, Guilmant

Prelude and Fugue in D Minor, Bach

Variations on “Saviour, Breathe” and “Evening Blessings,” Thompson

Processional March, Rogers

 

Mr. Hyde’s program was as follows:

Caprice Heroique [sic], Bonnet

Reverie, Bonnet

Romance sans Paroles, Bonnet

Toccata and Fugue in D Minor, Bach

The Guardian Angel, Pierne [sic]

Slumber Song, Seely

Menuet à l’Antico, Seeboeck-Hyde

To a Wild Rose, MacDowell

Chromatic Fantasie, Thiele

Vision, Rheinberger

Cradle Song, Grieg

Le Bonheur, Hyde

 

This was the first day in a series of four that included programs that more than filled the church. The Diapason of November 1, 1922, stated:

The new Skinner organ in Saint Luke’s Church at Evanston, rated as the largest organ in any church in Chicago or vicinity, was inducted into service in a manner befitting the size and quality of the instrument . . . . None of the recitals was attended by fewer than 1,000 people and the night of the services under the auspices of the Illinois chapter, A. G. O., hundreds stood in the aisles throughout the performance.

The front-page article included a picture of the console.³

The six other recitalists heard in this series were Eric DeLamarter of Fourth Presbyterian Church, Chicago; Palmer Christian, then of Northwestern University and Fourth Presbyterian Church, formerly of Kenwood Evangelical Church, Chicago, and shortly thereafter at University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; Tina Mae Haines of Saint James Methodist Episcopal Church, Chicago; Stanley Martin of Saint Mark’s Episcopal Church, Evanston; William Lester of First Baptist Church, Evanston; and Mrs. Wilhelm Middelschulte of First Presbyterian Church, Evanston.

Monday, October 16, was “Evanston Organists” recital night, with appearances by Martin, Middelschulte, and Lester. Peter C. Lutkin of Northwestern University, Evanston, delivered an address, “The Education of the Soul,” as noted in The Diapason, “in which he dwelt on the need of cultivating the soul through music and art as being as essential to humanity as the training of the mind.”

Mr. Martin’s program:

Suite in F, Corelli-Noble

Contrasts, J. Lewis Browne

Scherzo, Fifth Sonata, Guilmant

 

Mrs. Middelschulte’s program:

Prelude and Nocturne, Bairstow

Toccata, Grison

 

Mr. Lester’s program:

Invocation (dedicated to Herbert Hyde), Lester

In Indian Summer, Lester

Venetian Idyl, Andrews

Andante con moto, Bridge

Heroic Overture, Ware

 

Tuesday, October 17, featured a “Recital by Chicago Organists Under the Auspices of the Illinois Chapter of the American Guild of Organists.” DeLamarter, Haines, and Christian were the featured performers.

Mr. DeLamarter’s program:

Chant de Printemps, Bonnet

Intermezzo, DeLamarter

Legende, Zimmerman

Finale, Sixth Symphony, Widor

 

Miss Haines’s offerings:

Matin Provencale [sic], Bonnet

Dance of the Sugar-Plum Fairy (Nut-Cracker Suite), Tschaikowsky [sic]

Meditation at Ste. Clotilde, James

Fantasie on Spanish Themes, Gigout

 

Mr. Christian’s appearance included:

Dreams, Strauss

Rhapsodie, Rossetter G. Cole

A Cloister Scene, Mason

Scherzo Caprice, Ward

 

The series closed on Wednesday evening, October 18, Saint Luke’s Day, with a program by Hyde, assisted by the church choir:

Sonata 1, Borowski

Meditation, Klein

Bourée, Bach

Suite Gothique, Boëllmann

O Praise the Lord of Heaven, Hyde (with the choir)

Berceuse, Dickinson

Caprice (manuscript), Seely

Toccata, Fifth Symphony, Widor

 

For many years, the organ was the venue of many important recital events. It was featured during the 1925 national convention of the American Guild of Organists and the 1933 national convention of the National Association of Organists. It was also a demonstration instrument for the builder, especially as Hyde became the western representative for Skinner.

Mr. Skinner exhibited great pride in the instrument over decades. In The Composition of the Organ, co-authored with his son Richmond H. Skinner, he wrote of Opus 327:

The Diapasons of the Great division of the organ in St. Luke’s Church, Evanston, Illinois, are most satisfactory to me and are of ideal Diapason character. There are three of eight foot pitch; First Diapason, scale 41 [sic], second 43 [sic], third 45. Later judgment suggests that the smallest be scale 48.

The church has fine acoustics and, in their locations, these Diapasons have an indescribable glow and richness, making them exceptionally churchly. All have a 1⁄5 mouth, cut up 5⁄12 their width. This is reduced in the trebles. All are tuned with sliding sleeves. The first, and I believe the second, has a thickened upper lip and structurally is of good weight of metal, including 22% tin. They have a pronounced octave harmonic and no flavor of thickness, nor have they any of the string quality characteristic of the German Diapason. The[y] differ again from the English types, which to me suggest the American Melodia, having little foundation and few harmonics and which M. Dupré calls “Gemshorns.”⁴

As the years passed . . .

Dr. Thomas Matthews became organist and choirmaster of Saint Luke’s Church in May 1946. Shortly thereafter, and in cooperation with William H. Barnes, organ consultant and author of the many editions of The Contemporary American Organ, some alterations were made to the Skinner organ. The Solo 8′ Philomela was replaced by an 8′ Doppel Flute from the 1889 Roosevelt organ removed from the Auditorium Theater of Chicago in 1942. Barnes ordered an 8′ Trompette from Gieseke in Germany to replace the Swell 8′ Cornopean. (The Cornopean was placed in safe storage at the church.)⁵

On December 18, 1956, Matthews wrote to Zeuch at the Aeolian-Skinner Organ Company about the possibility of addition of a horizontal trumpet to Opus 327. Joseph S. Whiteford, then tonal director for Aeolian-Skinner, replied in acknowledgment on January 3, 1957. On March 15, 1957, Thomas V. Potter, Midwest representative for Aeolian-Skinner, wrote to Matthews proposing a “Fanfare Trumpet” with several options. The preferred option was installation at the rear of the nave, above the entry door and below a window, for $4,000, including a blowing plant. A second option was installation behind the main altar reredos, which would cost $2,250 without a second blower, or $2,500 with blower. Delivery would be within one to two years.

It was agreed to install the trumpet at the rear of the nave, and a contract was sent to the church in the amount of $4,000, for completion by March 1, 1959. A down payment of $400 was due on signing, $1,080 when construction began, $1,080 when the trumpet arrived at the church, and the balance due upon completion. The reed pipes were harmonic from middle C, and the wind pressure was between 7-1⁄2 and 8 inches.

Materials were finished for shipping to Evanston in April 1958, but a strike by truckers stalled shipment until May 19 as noted in the church’s newsletter, The Parish Visitor, June 1958.⁶ The stop was first used on June 15 for the arrival of the Most Reverend Joost de Blank, Archbishop of Cape Town, South Africa, for his visit to Saint Luke’s Church. Final payment was received by Aeolian-Skinner on July 7 of that year. Saint Luke’s possessed the first Aeolian-Skinner fanfare trumpet in the Midwest, the fourth created by the builder. (Earlier examples were the Cathedral of St. John the Divine and Saint Thomas Church, New York City, and First Presbyterian Church, Kilgore, Texas.)

The trumpet stop was dedicated September 28, 1958, during a Eucharist service that featured a newly composed choir anthem by Thomas Matthews, “The Trumpeters and Singers Were As One.” The trumpet was named in memory of Joseph G. Hubbell. It is played from the Choir manual, its drawknob replacing the original 8′ Harp knob.

In November 1959, The Parish Visitor announced that William H. Barnes of Evanston, “a non-Episcopalian but a great admirer of St. Luke’s organ and music,” donated a new Chorus Mixture in memory of the late Herbert Hyde, who had died August 25, 1954, at the age of 67.⁷ The article stated:

Dr. Barnes is a nationally known organ architect and author of the book, “The Contemporary American Organ.” The new stop was built to his special specifications in Holland at an approximate cost, including installation, of $2,000. . . . Through the years, he has done much to keep our organ in good repair, and several years ago he gave a new Doppel Flute to replace an old one in the organ.

The addition of the new Chorus Mixture stop is the first step in modernizing the main organ. The next step will be the installation of three new sets of French reed pipes in the swell division as soon as the necessary funds become available.

The original Skinner III Mixture on the Great division was disconnected and the stop action reconnected to the new Chorus Mixture. The Skinner mixture pipework was removed, and it eventually disappeared.

The 1910 Casavant Lady Chapel organ was discarded in favor of an M. P. Möller organ of two-manuals, fourteen-ranks, playable from the Skinner console as well as a new two-manual console of tilting-tablet control in the chapel. The contract for Möller Opus 9244 was dated May 16, 1958, with completion set for August 1, 1959, at a cost of $16,950. Henry Beard was the builder’s legendary representative for the Chicago region. Wind pressures were three inches for the Great and Pedal divisions and 3-1⁄2 inches for the Swell. The Casavant organ became the property of Möller, but was apparently discarded. (The Möller organ was sold in 1986 to Our Lady of Hope Catholic Church, Rosemont, Illinois.) Funds for the new chapel organ were given in memory of Gabriel and Jessie Slaughter. Mr. Slaughter had served as chair of the parish music committee when the Skinner organ was procured and was a longtime vestryman.⁸

1959 M. P. MЪller Opus 9244

GREAT (Manual I, unenclosed)

8′ Rohrflöte 73 pipes (scale 54, halve on 20th, 12 zinc basses, remainder spotted metal)*

8′ Gemshorn (Sw)

8′ Unda Maris (Sw)

4′ Principal 73 pipes (scale 60, halve on 18th, spotted metal)*

III Rks. Mixture 183 pipes (“Spec. Formula ‘A’,” halve on 17th, spotted metal)*

SWELL (Manual II, enclosed)

16′ Gedeckt 73 pipes (scale 44, halve on 20th, 24 zinc basses, remainder spotted metal)

8′ Gedeckt (ext 16′)*

8′ Gemshorn 61 pipes (scale 52, 1⁄3 taper, halve on 17th, 12 zinc basses, remainder spotted metal)*

8′ Unda Maris 54 pipes (GG, scale 56, 2⁄3 taper, halve on 17th, 5 zinc basses, remainder spotted metal)*

4′ Nachthorn 61 pipes (scale 60, halve on 20th, spotted metal)*

2′ Prinzipal 61 pipes (scale 72, halve on 18th, spotted metal)*

II Rks. Cymbale 122 pipes (26–29, Spec. Formula “B,” halve on 17th, spotted metal)*

8′ Trompette 61 pipes (2-1⁄4″ scale, halve on 42nd)*

Tremolo

PEDAL

16′ Bourdon 12 pipes (CCC scale 40, CC scale 54, halve on 20th, 12 pipes, ext Gt 8′)*

16′ Gedeckt (Sw)

8′ Geigen 44 pipes (scale 46, halve on 18th, 17 zinc basses, remainder spotted metal)*

8′ Gedeckt (Sw)

4′ Octave (ext 8′)

2′ Gedeckt (Sw)

* stops available at the Skinner console

Couplers

Great to Pedal

Great to Pedal 4

Swell to Pedal

Swell to Pedal 4

Great 4

Swell to Great 16

Swell to Great

Swell to Great 4

Swell 16

Swell Unison Off

Swell 4

Accessories

3 General pistons

3 Great and Pedal pistons

3 Swell and Pedal pistons

Great to Pedal reversible

Balanced Swell expression shoe

Balanced Crescendo shoe with indicator light

 

Great Mixture “Formula ‘A’”

1–30 15 19 22

31–42 12 15 19

43–61 8 12 15

Unison scale 48 at 8′ CC, ¼ mouth

Quint scale 49 at 8′ CC, 2⁄9 mouth

Swell Cymbal “Formula ‘B’”

1–12 26 29

13–24 22 26

25–36 19 22

37–48 15 19

49–61 12 15

Unison scale 50 at 8′ CC, ¼ mouth

Quint scale 51 at 8′ CC, 2⁄9 mouth

Around 1960, in the Choir division of the Skinner organ, the 8′ Melodia was replaced by an 8′ Gedeckt, the 4′ Flute d’Amour replaced by a 4′ Rohr Flute, and the two-rank 8′ Dulcet replaced by a II Cymbal. This work was supplied by the Tellers Organ Company. A Cymbala or cymbelstern of four bells was installed in memory of Eliza C. Akeley. In the 1970s, Frank J. Sauter & Sons of the Chicago region repitched the Choir 8′ Diapason to 4′ and reinstalled the Swell 8′ Cornopean.⁹ At some point, the Swell Mixture was recomposed, and the 2′ stops in the Swell and Choir divisions were swapped. The organ was honored with the Organ Historical Society’s Historic Organ Citation #161.

In 1986 a restoration of the historic building and its nave was carried out. The project included removal of four-inch-thick horsehair and burlap padding from the wooden ceiling, installed in 1914. The result was a remarkable nearly four seconds of reverberation. Around the same time, the church acquired a one-manual, four-stop, portable, mechanical-action pipe organ from Karl Wilhelm.

Bringing the Skinner organ back to its origins

Most of the alterations to the Skinner organ were reversed in a restoration project by the A. Thompson-Allen Company of New Haven, Connecticut, begun in 1994 and completed in 1998. The first phase of the project included removal of the Swell division for restoration, the remainder of the instrument completed in time for Christmas 1998. Several of the ranks that were removed from the organ and stored in the church in previous decades were reinstated in the organ, namely, the three Choir division stops noted above. The Swell and Great mixture stops were recreated with new pipework.¹⁰ All of the original Skinner reed ranks were restored by Broome & Company of East Granby, Connecticut. Thompson-Allen added a General Cancel piston, as the console never had one.

The organ was rededicated on September 12, 1999. A series of recitals occurred in the 1999–2000 year; featured performers included Marilyn Keiser, Gillian Weir, Karel Paukert (a former organist and choirmaster of Saint Luke’s Church), and Richard Webster, organist and choirmaster of Saint Luke’s.

In 2013, the original blower for the organ was replaced. The parish completed a $1.8 million restoration of the church nave in 2016.

In anticipation of the organ’s centennial year and celebrations in 2022, the Thompson-Allen firm returned to Evanston in May and October 2021 for minor repairs. Centennial celebrations began February 25 of this year, with Jackson Borges accompanying the silent film feature of Buster Keaton’s Sherlock Jr. Friday through Sunday, October 14–16 will see a weekend of events, including a hymn festival with Richard Webster and a newly composed work by Malcolm Archer, both of whom will be present for the festivities.

1922 Skinner Organ Company Opus 327, as restored by A. Thompson-Allen Company¹¹

GREAT (Manual II, 7-1/2″ wind pressure)

16′ Diapason 73 pipes (scale 32, 1–29 zinc, 30–73 common metal)

8′ First Diapason 73 pipes (scale 40, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 linen lead, 1/5 mouth, leathered lips)

8′ Second Diapason 73 pipes (scale 42, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 linen lead, 1⁄5 mouth, leathered lips)

8′ Third Diapason 73 pipes (scale 45, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 spotted metal, 1⁄5 mouth)

8′ Claribel Flute* 73 pipes (1–12 stopped wood, 13–36 open wood, 37–73 open metal)

8′ Erzähler 73 pipes (1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal, 1⁄4 taper)

4′ Octave 61 pipes (scale 58, 1–5 zinc, 6–61 spotted metal, 2⁄9 mouth)

4′ Harmonic Flute* 61 pipes (1–5 zinc, 6–61 common metal, harmonic 25–49)

2-2⁄3′ Twelfth* 61 pipes (scale 69, spotted metal)

2′ Fifteenth* 61 pipes (scale 70, spotted metal)

Chorus Mixture IV 244 pipes (added 1959, revoiced by A. Thompson-Allen in 1998)

Mixture III (A-9)* 183 pipes (original removed; replicated by A. Thompson-Allen in 1998)

16′ Trombone* 73 pipes (4-1⁄2″ @ 8′ C, 1–6 wood resonators, 6–61 zinc and Hoyt metal, 43–61 harmonic, 62–73 open spotted metal flues)

8′ Trumpet* 73 pipes (4-1⁄2″, 1–56 reeds, zinc and Hoyt metal, 31–56 harmonic, 57–73 spotted metal flues)

4′ Clarion* 61 pipes (3-1⁄4″, 1–44 reeds, zinc and Hoyt metal, 19–44 harmonic, 45–61 spotted metal flues)

Chimes (from Solo)

* enclosed

SWELL (Manual III, enclosed, 7-1/2″ wind pressure)

16′ Bourdon 73 pipes (1–61 stopped wood, 62–73 open common metal)

8′ Diapason 73 pipes (scale 45, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 common metal, 2⁄9 mouth)

8′ Salicional 73 pipes (scale 64, 1–12 zinc, 13–71 spotted metal)

8′ Voix Celeste 73 pipes (draws 8′ Salicional, scale 64, 1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal)

8′ Gedeckt 73 pipes (1–43 stopped wood, 44–73 open common metal)

8′ Spitz Flute 73 pipes (1–17 zinc, 18–61 tapered common metal, 62–73 cylindrical common metal)

8′ Flute Celeste (TC) 61 pipes (13–17 zinc, 18–61 tapered common metal, 62–73 cylindrical common metal)

8′ Aeoline 73 pipes (scale 60, 1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal)

4′ Octave 61 pipes (scale 60, 1–5 zinc, 6–61 common metal)

4′ Traverse Flute 61 pipes (1–5 zinc, 6–61 common metal, 25–49 harmonic)

2′ Flautino 61 pipes (scale 70, spotted metal)

III Mixture III 183 pipes (original A-9 mixture removed; replicated to a slightly later C-15 Skinner formula by Austin/ A. Thompson-Allen, 1998)

16′ Contra Posaune 73 pipes (4-1⁄2″ @ 8′ C, 1–6 wood resonators, 7–61 zinc and Hoyt metal, 55–61 harmonic, 62–73 open spotted metal flues)

8′ Cornopean 73 pipes (4-1⁄2″, 1–32 zinc and Hoyt metal, 33–56 Hoyt metal, 43–56 harmonic, 57–73 spotted metal flues)

8′ Oboe 73 pipes (zinc, common metal, spotted metal, 1–56 reeds, 57–73 spotted metal flues)

8′ Vox Humana 73 pipes (zinc and Hoyt metal, 1–56 reeds, 57–73 spotted metal flues)

4′ Clarion 61 pipes (3-1⁄4″, 1–44 reeds, 31–44 harmonic, 45–61 spotted metal flues)

Tremolo

Harp (Ch)

Celesta (Ch)

CHOIR (Manual I, enclosed, 6″ wind pressure)

8′ Diapason 73 pipes (scale 44, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 linen lead)

8′ Melodia 73 pipes (1–12 stopped wood, 13–43 open wood, 44–73 common metal)

8′ Dulcet II 146 pipes (scale 75, 1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal)

8′ Kleine Erzähler 134 pipes (celeste TC, 1–31 stopped wood, 32–73 open common metal)

4′ Flute d’Amour 61 pipes (“#2,” 1–5 zinc, 6–73 common metal, 25–49 harmonic)

2-2⁄3′ Twelfth 61 pipes (slotted spotted metal, 1–49 tapered, 50–61 cylindrical)

2′ Piccolo 61 pipes (common metal, 13–49 harmonic)

1-1⁄3′ [sic] Tierce 61 pipes (slotted spotted metal, 1–41 tapered, 42–61 cylindrical)

8′ Clarinet 73 pipes (1–56 common metal, 57–73 open spotted metal flues)

8′ Orchestral Oboe 73 pipes (1–56 zinc and Hoyt metal, 57–73 open spotted metal flues)

Tremolo

Harp (61 bars, first octave repeats)

8′ Fanfare Trumpet 61 pipes (7-1⁄2″ wind pressure, 1–12 zinc, 13–56 spotted metal, 25–56 harmonic, 57–61 flues)

SOLO (Manual IV, enclosed, 10″ wind pressure)

8′ Diapason 73 pipes (scale 40, leathered lips, 1–17 zinc, 18–73 linen lead)

8′ Philomela 73 pipes

8′ Gross Gamba 73 pipes (scale 50, flared 4 notes, 1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal)

8′ Gamba Celeste 73 pipes (scale 50, flared 4 notes, 1–12 zinc, 13–73 spotted metal)

8′ French Horn 73 pipes (7″, large scale, 1–49 zinc and common metal, capped, 50–73 open spotted metal flues)

8′ English Horn 73 pipes (single bell-type, 1–49 zinc and common metal, double-conical capped, 50–56 lidded conical resonators, 57–73 open spotted metal flues)

4′ Tuba Clarion 61 pipes (1–49 zinc and Hoyt metal, 7–49 harmonic, 50–61 open spotted metal flues)

Tremolo

8′ Tuba Mirabilis 73 pipes (20″ wind pressure, 1–61 zinc and Hoyt metal, 19–61 harmonic, 62–73 open spotted metal flues)

Chimes (25 tubes)

PEDAL (6″ wind pressure)

32′ Diapason (open wood) 68 pipes

16′ First Diapason (ext 32′ Diapason)

16′ Second Diapason 32 pipes (1–29 zinc, 30–32 linen lead)

16′ Violone 44 pipes (1–12 bearded open wood, 13–32 spotted metal with rollers)

16′ Bourdon (stopped wood) 56 pipes

16′ Echo Bourdon (Sw 16′ Bourdon)

8′ Octave (ext 32′ Diapason)

8′ ’Cello (ext 16′ Violone)

8′ Gedeckt (ext 16′ Bourdon)

8′ Still Gedeckt (Sw 16′ Bourdon)

4′ Super Octave (ext 32′ Diapason)

4′ Flute (extension, 16′ Bourdon)

32′ Bombarde 68 pipes (15″ wind pressure, 16″ x 16″ @ low C, 1–24 wood resonators, remainder zinc and Hoyt metal)

16′ Trombone (ext 32′ Bombarde)

8′ Tromba (ext 32′ Bombarde)

4′ Clarion (ext 32′ Bombarde)

Couplers

Great to Pedal 8

Great to Pedal 4

Swell to Pedal 8

Swell to Pedal 4

Choir to Pedal 8

Solo to Pedal 8

Solo to Pedal 4

Swell to Great 8

Choir to Great 8

Solo to Great 8

Swell to Choir 8

Great to Solo 8

Swell to Solo 8

Great to Great 16

Great to Great 4

Swell to Great 16

Swell to Great 4

Choir to Great 16

Choir to Great 4

Solo to Great 16

Solo to Great 4

Choir to Choir 16

Choir to Choir 4

Swell to Choir 16

Swell to Choir 4

Swell to Swell 16

Swell to Swell 4

Solo to Solo 16

Solo to Solo 4

Great to Solo 16

Great to Solo 4

Accessories

5 General pistons (thumb and toe)

9 Great pistons (1–9 thumb, 1–4 toe)

9 Swell pistons (1–9 thumb, 1–4 toe)

7 Choir pistons (1–7 thumb, 1–4 toe)

7 Solo pistons (1–9 thumb, 1–4 toe)

4 Pedal pistons (toe)

General Cancel (thumb, added by A. Thompson-Allen, 1998)

Couplers Off (thumb)

Combination setter button (thumb)

Great to Pedal reversible (thumb and toe)

Swell to Pedal reversible (thumb)

Choir to Pedal reversible (thumb)

Solo to Pedal reversible (thumb and toe)

Solo to Great reversible (thumb and toe)

3 buttons: Chapel, Off, Both on Great

3 buttons: Chapel, Off, Both on Swell

3 buttons: Great Box to Solo, Off, Great Box to Choir

2 buttons: all Swells to Swell shoe, Off

Balanced Swell expression shoe

Balanced Choir (and Great) expression shoe

Balanced Solo (and Great) expression shoe

Balanced Crescendo shoe (with indicator light)

Sforzando reversible (toe, with indicator light)

Cymbala (knob in Swell stop jamb)

 

Great IV Chorus Mixture

1–17 15 19 22 26

18–24 12 15 19 22

25–49 8 12 15 19

50–61 8 8 12 15

Great III Mixture

1–18 15 19 22

19–30 12 15 19

31–61 8 12 15

Swell III Mixture

1–22 15 19 22

23–42 12 15 19

43–61 8 12 15

 

Church website: stlukesevanston.org

Organ website: opus327.org

 

Notes

1. Newton Bateman and Paul Selby, ed., Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and History of Evanston, Volume II (Chicago, Illinois: Munsell Publishing Company, 1906), 374–375.

2. David McCain, “St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, Evanston, Illinois: A History of the Organs,” The Stopt Diapason, Chicago-Midwest Chapter Organ Historical Society, volume 3, number 3, whole number 15 (June 1982): 26–32.

3. “Great Feast of Music Ushers in Huge Organ: Busy Week for Evanston, Recitals Draw Upward of Thousand People Every Evening—Hyde and Other Organists heard on Skinner Instrument,” The Diapason, November 1, 1922: 1–2.

4. Ernest M. Skinner and Richmond H. Skinner, The Composition of the Organ, ed. by Leslie A. Olsen (Ann Arbor, Michigan: Melvin J. Light, 1980), 26.

5. McCain, “St. Luke’s,” 26–32.

6. “Delivery of Fanfare Trumpets delayed by truck strike,” The Parish Visitor, St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, volume 2, number 2 (June 1958): 5.

7. “Dr. Barnes donates organ stop,” The Parish Visitor, St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, volume 2, number 12 (November 1959): 80.

8. “St. Luke’s to be given new chapel organ in memory of Gabriel & Jessie Slaughter,” The Parish Visitor, St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, volume 2, number 7 (June 1958): 3.

9. McCain, “St. Luke’s,” 26–32.

10. “St. Luke’s Organ Rededication: September 12, 1999, Evanston, Illinois,” pamphlet published by St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, 1999.

11. “Saint Luke Episcopal Church,” Organ Handbook 2002 (Richmond, Virginia: The Organ Historical Society, 2002): 167–173.

 

Bibliography

Bateman, Newton, and Paul Selby, ed. Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and History of Evanston, Volume II. Chicago, Munsell Publishing Company, 1906: 374–375.

“Delivery of Fanfare Trumpets delayed by truck strike,” The Parish Visitor, St. Luke’s Church, Evanston, Illinois, June 1958, volume 2, number 2: 5.

“Dr. Barnes donates organ stop,” The Parish Visitor, November 1959, volume 2, number 12: 8.

“Great Feast of Music Ushers in Huge Organ: Busy Week for Evanston, Recitals Draw Upward of Thousand People Every Evening—Hyde and Other Organists heard on Skinner Instrument,” The Diapason, November 1, 1922: 1–2.

McCain, David. “St. Luke’s Episcopal Church, Evanston, Illinois: A History of the Organs.” The Stopt Diapason, Chicago-Midwest Chapter Organ Historical Society, volume 3, number 3, whole number 15 (June 1982): 26–32.

“Saint Luke Episcopal Church,” Organ Handbook 2002. Richmond, Virginia, The Organ Historical Society, 2002: 167–173.

“St. Luke’s Organ Rededication: September 12, 1999, Evanston, Illinois,” published by the church.

“St. Luke’s to be given new chapel organ in memory of Gabriel & Jessie Slaughter,” The Parish Visitor, volume 2, number 7 (June 1958): 3.

Schnurr, Stephen. “Organ News.” The Stopt Diapason, Chicago-Midwest Chapter Organ Historical Society, whole number 65 (August 1999): 6–12.

Schnurr, Stephen J., Jr., and Dennis Northway, Pipe Organs of Chicago, Volume 1. Oak Park, Illinois, Chauncey Park Press, 2005: 94–97.

Quimby Pipe Organs, Inc., Warrensburg, Missouri; Kansas State University, Manhattan, Kansas

Introduction

Austin Organs, Inc., Opus 2352 (1961), housed in All Faiths Chapel on the Kansas State University campus, was one of the earliest American Classic performance organs to appear at an academic institution in the region and certainly the first that was larger than thirty ranks. This organ, designed by James B. Jamison, tonal architect at Austin Organs, Inc., from 1933 to his death in 1957, reflects the builder’s tonal ideals of the 1950s, which differed in some ways from those of the American Classic movement. Jamison’s contributions to the profession have been largely overlooked. His dedication to his ideals and Kansas State University’s organ project have left a lasting impression that was a labor of love. The story that unfolds contains details about Jamison’s life that appear in print for the first time and lend credence to the thought that Opus 2352 may very well be his last will and testament to the organ world.

History of All Faiths Chapel

In early 1947 plans were announced to build All Faiths Chapel with an accompanying chime tower as a memorial to the 5,000 Kansas State University students and alumni who had served in World War II. The new chapel design was to feature two wings, the smaller of which would contain about 68 seats and be used as a meditation chapel. Funds for the construction of this space were provided by the Danforth Foundation of St. Louis, Missouri. Groundbreaking services for the meditation chapel were held in October 1947, and the chapel was dedicated two years later on October 9, 1949, and named Danforth Chapel.

The initial seating arrangements for All Faiths Chapel were for 545 people, 465 of which would be seated on the main floor and 80 in a balcony. Fundraising efforts for All Faiths Chapel progressed at a slow rate: $118,813 was raised by December 1949, and by late 1952 $157,000 was available for the chapel. It was decided that a more contemporary architectural design would replace the original design, which, according to chairman Arthur Peine, had “priced itself out of the market.” The All Faiths Chapel addition was designed by Charles W. Shaver, a church architect and trustee of the Kansas State University Foundation, and Theodore Chadwick, professor of architecture at Kansas State University.

Early history of the All Faiths Chapel organ

A pipe organ for the new chapel was included in the early plans and must have surely been a dream for the new assistant professor of music Robert Hays who was hired as the organ faculty member at Kansas State University in 1946. Hays was insistent from the beginning that Austin should build the new organ in All Faiths Chapel. Furthermore, he insisted that James Jamison design the organ and that Richard Piper, newly appointed tonal director at Austin, voice the organ. The first known letter between Kansas State University and James Jamison is dated September 19, 1952, from music department chair Luther Leavengood extending an invitation for Jamison to view the plans for All Faiths Chapel and to submit a design.¹ Leavengood also revealed that the proposed expenditure for the organ was $28,000–30,000.²

After about seven months of correspondence between Kansas State University and Jamison, Dean Roy Seaton wrote to Jamison to tell him that only $31,000 was available for the organ, $7,000 less than he had proposed to the university during the previous seven-month interim.³ While the $7,000 in and of itself wasn’t an insurmountable sum, construction bids had not yet been awarded for All Faiths Chapel, and therefore Dean Seaton warned that “an excessive cost plus the $7,000 might force a revision of our plans—a lesser organ, cheaper seats, etc., or postponement until more money could be raised. We do want you to understand, however, that you are our chosen builder. . . . We should also like to send to you the completed plans for scrutiny before they are let out for bids.”⁴

Jamison first visited Kansas State University about a year later in late 1953 or early 1954, and in a letter dated January 28, 1954, he presented Hays with the first stoplist proposal for the All Faiths Chapel organ, which was influenced by Austin’s recent, successful installation at Zion Reformed Church in Lodi, California.⁵ This stoplist was modeled after Jamison’s “Minimum All-Purpose American Organ,” defined by Jamison as “the smallest organ that will adequately play any classic organ literature properly, accompany a dignified church service, congregational singing, mixed or boy choirs, [and] facilitate transcription and improvisation.”⁶ Jamison also made the following comments about the stoplist:

Do not worry about the apparent light Pedal. It is not, really, at all. The 16′ Spitzprincipal is a Violone in its low octave and is a true independent pedal register except in full organ . .  . The Clarinet on the Pedal is a surprise—most useful. The 16′ Dolce plus 16′ Gedeckt approximate a Bourdon—and are far more musical—because the Dolce yields definition.

I have long championed the augmented Pedal Diapason which we scale very expertly . . . It ‘tells’ in fine fashion and is 97½% as effective as three straight ranks. You will just have to believe me—for it is so. It saves more than enough for the two-rank Pedal mixture!

I ask that you and the school authorities give this proposition careful and deliberate thought. Perhaps it may prove possible to raise the $38,086 it costs, delivered and installed.⁷

Robert Baker, well-known American church musician (then of First Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn) and organ recitalist, wrote to Hays, “I’m delighted about the news of your getting a new organ—and you will be delighted with what Jamison and Austin do—the Lodi instrument is all he says, and more! One of the best I’ve ever touched. I’ve written a glowing letter to your Mr. Peine and meant every word. Jamison is the smartest man in the field, and I’m trying to get him to write a book.”⁸ Thank heavens Baker did this since Jamison was able to crystallize his final ideas on organ design in the book Organ Design and Appraisal, which was published shortly after his death.

Groundbreaking for All Faiths Chapel occurred a few months later in the spring of 1954. Jamison visited the Kansas State University campus a second time in November 1955 and prefaced his visit with these words, “I am delighted to learn that the chapel project is on the move and the organ will follow . . . this time I hope we can cinch it. In a way, the delay has not hurt the quality the college will get for we have not stood still but have emphatically improved our work.”⁹

However, just a few months later (March 22, 1956), Jamison wrote a letter to Basil Austin with shocking news:

I have some bad news. X-ray pictures show I have the dread disease and shall be operated on in about three weeks. The doc says I have an 80% or better chance—as things have been caught fairly early . . . he told me just an hour ago. I suspected it and was mentally as prepared as one can be. I intend to go through with it as courageously as I can and hope he is right in saying I may again be as well as ever. However, I have had my full share and have no complaint. I am glad I have lived to see the firm do so well and on the way to supremacy—as it most certainly is.¹⁰

Five days later, Jamison wrote Basil Austin again commenting about some of Austin’s most recent work in California:

The first violence of the shock is wearing off a bit and I feel OK and want to work—and keep from thinking about my trouble. . . . I had word this week from Gray Company that my book is now being put in print—which means—I hope—that it may be out this year. All these [organ] design principles will be clearly stated in it. Let me assure you they will each bear thought. Good stops are not enough—they have to be properly arranged. Then you can bring off effects unheard of in clumsier schemes.  Well—it is 6:45 AM. I had breakfast half an hour ago—and already have written a lot. I have so much to say.¹¹

A little less than three weeks later, All Faiths Chapel was dedicated on April 15, 1956. Still, no significant progress had been made in raising the extra money needed for the organ. Jamison wrote to Basil Austin in January 1957, “I asked Robert Hays to phone Piper while [he is] at Topeka and see if he could run over (50 miles) to Manhattan and size up the [chapel], etc. The college deal burns hot and cold and right now seems to be warm.”¹² About three weeks later, Jamison received the news that he would not survive the cancer that had overtaken his body. He wrote Basil Austin, “. . . my check at the hospital yesterday was unfavorable and they have discontinued medicine and told me to [sit] still and fold my hands. I have lost a great deal of weight and am terribly weak.”¹³ He also mentioned the All Faiths Chapel organ project:

I have a recent letter from the Kansas State University Foundation asking for a complete scheme and price and terms . . . am writing it out this afternoon. At least this prospect is not dead. I never seem to hit the hot ones with real money. Do see to it that Piper goes there when the contract is signed and gets a complete and accurate idea of what to do in scaling, etc. as well as a physical disposition of chests. It’s a great opportunity and ought not to be muffed. They have $19,000 in cash now.¹⁴

Unfortunately, Jamison would not live to see the All Faiths Chapel organ completed, and the scheme that he wrote out that afternoon supposedly did not survive. I feel, however, that a statement from Robert Hays in a letter to James McCain indicates otherwise: “Mr. Jamison devotes a large portion of his book to a discussion of what he calls a minimum, all-purpose American organ. He gives three specifications for this organ, one of which is the identical organ he designed for our chapel.”¹⁵ The May 1, 1960, issue of The Diapason also sports this almost identical stoplist when the official announcement of Austin’s building of the All Faiths Chapel organ was announced to the public.¹⁶

A month after his letter to Basil Austin, Jamison received a letter from Kenneth Heywood, director of endowment and development at Kansas State University, indicating that a new organ for All Faiths Chapel could not be procured until necessary funds were raised.¹⁷ A little less than three months later, on May 29, 1957, James Jamison passed away. He was seventy-four years old.

Project resurgence

Nothing is known about what happened regarding the All Faiths Chapel organ project for the next eighteen months or so until the next wave of correspondence reveals that Kansas State University President James McCain had become aware of the fact that European mechanical-action organs were cheaper than American electro-pneumatic-action organs. In a letter to McCain, Hays reiterated his respect for Austin and Jamison’s vision:

I have always had the greatest respect for Jamison’s knowledge and ability, as I have had the greatest faith in his integrity. . . . Installing an organ in our chapel was a thing Jamison very much wanted to accomplish . . . I think, with respect to future generations of students and teachers as well as the entire community, that the benefits of Jamison’s plans in our behalf should not be abandoned without serious consideration.¹⁸

However, it appears that the discussion was not moving quickly enough for McCain, who wrote the following to Luther Leavengood and Kenneth Heywood four months later:

I continue to come across references to the purchase of German organs for chapels similar to ours . . . Unless I am furnished evidence to the contrary, I shall assume that with the money now available we could purchase an organ for our chapel which would be as satisfactory as the $45,000 or $50,000 chapel organ that we originally planned to install in the chapel.¹⁹

Six days later, Luther Leavengood began writing universities and churches that had mechanical organs built by Kuhn, Beckerath, and Flentrop. In a letter to an organist that played at a church with a mechanical-action organ, Hays mused, “There are many reasons that I am convinced a foreign organ is not for us and I am prepared to argue for my viewpoint, but the comparison in cost is the point on which I have no information and for which we ask your help.”²⁰

Shortly thereafter, Austin President Frederic Austin delivered bad news to Kenneth Heywood that manufacturing costs had risen 25% since 1957, making it even more difficult for Hays to convince university officials who were not organists that Austin should be selected as the builder of the All Faiths Chapel organ. Hays summarized the results of his study of mechanical-action organs versus American electro-pneumatic-action organs shortly thereafter, with the argument that Jamison and the All Faiths Chapel architects had worked together to design an organ that would be appropriate for the chapel itself and that “no organ can be purchased and then ‘moved in’ as one might buy a piano.”²¹ However, President McCain remained undeterred, “I am by no means yet convinced that with the money now available we cannot purchase a foreign make organ with as good results as we would get from one American organ to which we appear to be rather arbitrarily committed. If this is the case, it would certainly be tragic to defer action on securing an organ for perhaps 15, 20, or even more years.”²²

It truly appeared that the dream Hays and Jamison had formed over five years previously would be doomed to failure. However, the vision for an organ in All Faiths Chapel was kept alive by Marion Pelton, one of Hays’s colleagues in the keyboard area who was herself an organist. Pelton had taught at Kansas State University since 1928 and had an interest in early music fueled by a two-year residency at Columbia Teacher’s College in New York City (1955–1957) where she was exposed to much early music. In May 1959 she began sponsoring Pro Musica Antiqua concerts that featured early music. Pelton relates:

. . . the very first one of these programs, they didn’t have the organ [in All Faiths Chapel] . . . I wanted an organ so badly. . . .
The paper gave me a lot of publicity and I had pictures of the early organs that I had visited over in Europe on these huge white cardboard things. We also had a tea. The idea then was I was trying to raise money for an organ for the chapel. Well, I think I raised about $400 . . . It was just terribly disappointing.”²³

However, Mrs. Gabe Sellers, a resident of Manhattan, had a brother, Ernest Nicolay, a Kansas State University graduate who was vice-president and director of the Frito Company in Detroit, Michigan. The very next day, Sellers and her brother Ernest went to visit their mother in Michigan, and Ernest remarked, “Do you know of someplace to give some money to Kansas State University? I have to pay so much tax on so much money and I would be very glad to make them a big gift.”²⁴ His sister, Mrs. Sellers, remarked that she had just been at a concert the day before where they were trying to raise money for an organ.²⁵ Nicolay’s gift was substantial enough that Kenneth Heywood wrote Frederic Austin indicating, “A very substantial contribution has been promised by one of our alumni which, when received, will bring the figure to the point where we can feel justified in obligating ourselves.”²⁶ Hays also wrote to McCain:

Since [Jamison] was willing to include this design [for the All Faiths Chapel organ] in this book as an example of his mature thought, it is my opinion that every effort should be made to place in our chapel the organ he designed for it and which Austin will build to his specifications.

Just as we would get top quality design from Jamison, we would also get top quality construction and long-lasting dependability from the Austin Company. We have had expert opinion on this point, and the longevity and mechanical dependability of the present Austin in the University Auditorium bears out that opinion.²⁷

Finally, in November of 1959, the All Faiths Chapel organ contract between Austin Organs and Kansas State University was finalized. Hays wrote Frederic Austin, “Years ago, when I was impatient and despairing of the outcome of our negotiations with your company, JBJ said to me, ‘These things take a long time; I’ve been through it hundreds of times; do not be impatient and don’t worry, it will come out all right.’ How I wish that he could be here to know that it has ‘come out all right!’”²⁸ Due to what was a slightly reduced budget, the final stoplist had to be altered slightly, much to Hays’s chagrin. Thankfully, the revisions to the stoplist were minor (the Great II Rauschquint was divided into separate 22⁄3′ and 2′ Principal stops), the 8′ Geigen was deleted from the Positiv, and the Pedal Trompette 4′ Pedal Extension (labeled Clarion) and the Swell Trompette borrow were deleted and replaced with a 4′ Krummhorn borrow from the Positiv).

Installation and dedication

The All Faiths Chapel organ was installed by Austin staff member Zoltan Zsitvay, who arrived in Manhattan on August 16, 1961.³⁰ David Broome arrived on August 21 to begin the tonal finishing.³¹ The first public use of the organ was only five days after Broome’s arrival on August 26 for the wedding of Sara Umberger, granddaughter of Harry Umberger, long-time dean of the Kansas State University School of Architecture. David Broome relates:

We talked with her briefly after the wedding rehearsal the day before. She told us she had set the wedding date late in August, hoping that the organ would be finished by then. She seemed so disappointed that the organ wasn’t ready; so we decided to voice the rest of the flue pipes so it could be used. Broome and his associate worked late that night and began early the next morning with their ‘wedding gift from the Austin Organ Company.’ By 3:00 they’d finished it and could show the organist for the wedding, Mrs. Beth Rodgers, what parts of the instrument she could use.³³

Robert Hays played the first formal recital on the instrument Sunday, October 8, 1961. Organist Robert Baker, director of the School of Sacred Music at Union Theological Seminary in New York City, a close friend of Jamison’s and classmate of Robert Hays, played the dedicatory recital Sunday, November 19, 1961. The Manhattan Mercury reported, “an overflow crowd of approximately 1,000 people heard Robert Baker, noted organ recitalist, demonstrate K-State’s new $50,000 pipe organ.” Baker declared that the organ was, “beautifully designed; beautifully placed; beautifully executed.” Baker further commented, “I have played a great many organs, but seldom can I remember an organ of its size as beautifully designed, as beautifully placed, and as beautifully executed.”³⁴ He summed the instrument up as “satisfactory and thrilling.”³⁵ Despite the pageantry and celebration associated with the completion of the All Faiths Chapel organ, Austin personnel at the time must certainly have felt a pang in their hearts for Jamison and his vision for this organ. Perhaps Richard Piper summarizes it best, “For obvious reasons the builder regards the tonal work somewhat as a memorial to Mr. Jamison whom they hold in such high esteem. They sincerely believe the instrument successfully fulfills his great expectations and that were he here today, he would give his unqualified approval to the tonal interpretation.”³⁶

Austin Opus 2352 today

When I arrived at Kansas State University twelve years ago, the switching system of Austin Opus 2352 had recently undergone conversion to Solid State Logic but sounded tonally fatigued. Quimby Pipe Organs of Warrensburg, Missouri, became curators for the organ in the fall of 2010. I was encouraged that Eric Johnson, head voicer for Quimby, felt as I did, that some wonderful results would occur under the right hands and ears if this organ was restored.

After nearly fifty years of regular and sometimes heavy use, the organ was on the verge of needing significant maintenance: note and stop action releathering, pipe cleaning, stenciling, and tonal regulation, new tuning slides (particularly for exposed pipework), wind reservoir repair, and reed cleaning. Funding for the entire project was a significant hurdle to overcome. To help initiate some momentum with the university administration regarding the organ and to provide external validation about the value of this organ to the community, region, and nation, I applied for a Historic Organ Citation from the Organ Historical Society, an award that was granted November 4, 2011, at a fiftieth-anniversary concert featuring the premiere of Daniel E. Gawthrop’s Symphony No. 2: “The Austin.” The plan worked. University administration awarded funds to cover the releathering and reed cleaning aspects of the project that were completed by Quimby in 2014. The remaining aspects of the project were completed by Quimby in 2022, thanks to the support of the Kansas State University Foundation that helped elicit the support of donors who funded the remainder of this project.

Jamison’s thoughts about the disposition and voicing of Austin organs were truly cosmopolitan, perhaps more so than his contemporaries. Even though the All Faiths Chapel organ is only forty ranks, no tonal effect is duplicated. Looking at the Great division, Jamison received inspiration from English organs for the principal chorus. The 8′ Diapason is the largest scale of all members of the chorus, a departure from what others were doing at the time. The 8′ Spitzflöte is a beautiful stop alone or creates a subtle addition to the 8′ Bourdon, perfect for mezzo-piano passages. The 4′ Quintadena, enthusiastically endorsed by Jamison, has now fallen out of favor in some circles but is nevertheless another contrasting color. This division is, in the true sense of American Classicism, reedless.

The basis for the Swell division chorus is an 8′ Hohlflöte, a lovely stop of wood and an unusual inclusion for the time, yet offers a beautiful contrast to the other flute stops. The Nasard and Tierce ranks only go to tenor C, reinforcing Jamison’s idea that they “are justified by their lesser cost and by the fact that rarely are such mutations used below Tenor C.”³⁷ The Swell 8′ Trompette is “of medium scale and blown to optimum timbre . . . darker than that of the [Positiv] Bombarde.”³⁸ The Clarinet is, in Jamison’s words, “not too suave. At 16′ serving as the Trumpet chorus double, it must be very rich harmonically to be right.”³⁹ The 16′ Bass Clarinet is also available as a borrow in the Pedal and serves as a wonderful Pedal reed for Baroque literature.

The enclosed Positiv division follows, in Jamison’s words, “the sensible trend to convert the customary Choir section into a Choir-Positiv.”⁴⁰ The 8′ Bombarde, the major manual reed, is in this division and was a design element far ahead of its time. Jamison notes the following about this stop’s characteristics:

What color shall it be, and what power? Is it possible to have it right in both qualities if we extend it upward from a balanced Pedal reed? Yes, it is, and the great money saving will not be unwelcome. The requirement is that it be of the same general timbre as the rest of the full organ up to that point. What we seek in employing it as a super chorus reed, as well as the rarely provided solo antiphonal voice, is a final splash of brilliance and power that will extend forte to fortissimo without changing the general color except by brightening it.

This double dictates less power than a genuine English Tuba would have. The ratio sought is one that will add something like 25% to what has gone before; that last final surge of crescendo that marks the true climax. . . .

If this extension of the pedal register has this fortunate manual effect, how does the voice fit into the Pedal field and function? The answer is—in the best possible way. For the correct register is the French Bombarde, playable at 16′, 8′, and 4′ on Pedal and at 8′ on Choir. Thus it is in, but not of, that section. There is nothing so dramatically and forcefully effective as this type of tone for forte-fortissimo Pedal.

In an organ such as we plan, which will prove to need 33 to 35 registers, it should always be enclosed, making it much more useful and applicable to various demands. The Bombarde is so superior to the more fundamental Trombone that there can be no hesitation in choosing between them. Added to the Pedal fluework, it imparts a drama and a decisive edge that a weightier reed cannot equal, again demonstrating the ‘rich bass’ principle. Played solo against full manual flues it realizes an effect the English organ cannot manage—a magnificence of intensity rather than substance.⁴¹

Jamison’s aforementioned effects of this stop are completely realized on the All Faiths Chapel organ. Its enclosure truly lends an amazing degree of flexibility that greatly enhances its use in an organ of moderate size such as this, in addition to its ability to be unison, sub- and super-coupled to the Great and unison and super-coupled to the Pedal.

The Pedal division’s flexibility belies its size. Jamison discusses the design of the 16′-8′-4′ Diapason chorus:

The 56 pipe unit set . . . can all be regulated to approximate fairly closely the octave-by-octave power balances of three normal independent sets. The general character is crisp, rather than full, consistent with the bright-bass full-tip (pedal-manual) timbre progression. The power is similar to that of the Great [8′ Open Diapason], which is the really important item, but the quality is firmer. When both Great and Pedal flue choruses are drawn, we have on the Great an impressive aggregation of various unisons and fifths, moving here and there; and below, on the Pedal, is our unit stop at 16′-8′-4′ plus Mixture (another group of unisons and off-unisons) moving contrariwise to or in conjunction with the manual work; we are supposed to be able to tell, in this grand, forte mêlée, if the Pedal is unified, independent, or half and half—or if the 4′ is a scale larger and louder than the 8′—though which 8′ and which 4′ is not certain—or if the extended Pedal 8′ is two scales smaller than the Pedal 16′!⁴²

Jamison also utilized this same idea for the 16′-8′-4′ Pedal stopped flute rank, and its effects are equally effective. The 16′-8′ Spitzflöte unit borrowed from the Great fills in the mezzo-forte gap in the Pedal beautifully. The bottom octave of the 16′ Spitzflöte is a string that provides the additional harmonic foundation to the bass line that is missing in the 16′ Lieblich Gedeckt. When one factors in the division’s other stops (two-rank Pedal mixture and reeds), it has more than enough to stand on its own!

In summary, my twelve-year working relationship with this organ encompassing both teaching and performance has reinforced my beliefs that Jamison’s “Minimum All-Purpose American Organ” is exactly what it claims to be. Quimby Pipe Organs and its staff are convinced of this organ’s design and role in the organ world and have done all they can to retain its integrity and quality. Their work has been top-notch. When the organ was new, Richard Piper mused, “It is truly said that time is the only yardstick by which beauty can be measured. Austin believes this organ will endure.”43 It has endured nobly for over sixty years and given the care and further use it will receive, I have full confidence that its music and legacy will endure for many years yet to come.

—David C. Pickering, DMA, AAGO

Professor of Music, Kansas State University

Notes

1. Letter from Luther Leavengood to James Jamison, September 19, 1952.

2. Ibid.

3. Letter from Roy Seaton to James Jamison, May 8, 1953.

4. Ibid.

5. Letter from James Jamison to Robert Hays, January 28, 1954.

6. James B. Jamison, Organ Design and Appraisal (New York: H.W. Gray, 1959), 93.

7. Letter from James Jamison to Robert Hays, January 28, 1954.

8. Letter from Robert Baker to Robert Hays, July 19, 1953

9. Letter from James Jamison to Robert Hays, July 29, 1955.

10. Letter from James Jamison to Basil Austin, March 22, 1956.

11. Ibid., March 27, 1956.

12. Letter from James Jamison to Basil Austin, January 18, 1957.

13. Ibid., February 9, 1957.

14. Ibid.

15. Letter from Robert Hays to James McCain, October 13, 1959.

16. “College in Kansas Orders New Austin,” The Diapason, May 1, 1960, p. 7.

17. Letter from Kenneth Heywood to James Jamison, March 9, 1957.

18. Letter from Robert Hays to James McCain, January 14, 1959.

19. Letter from James McCain to Luther Leavengood and Kenneth Heywood, April 2, 1959.

20. Letter from Robert Hays to Betty Louise Lumby, April 15, 1959.

21. Letter from Robert Hays to James McCain, May 26, 1959.

22. Letter from James McCain to Robert Hays, May 29, 1959.

23. Byron Jensen, College Music on the Konza Prairie: A History of Kansas State’s Department of Music from 1863 to 1990 (Ed.D. diss., Kansas State University, 1990), 409.

24. Ibid., 409–410.

25. Ibid, 410.

26. Letter from Kenneth Heywood to Frederic Austin, June 5, 1959.

27. Letter from Robert Hays to James McCain, October 13, 1959.

28. Letter from Robert Hays to Frederic Austin, November 30, 1959.

29. Zsitvay was a distinguished member of the Hungarian National Track and Field Team, winning the University World Championships in the Pole Vault in Paris in 1946.

30. Letter from Donald Austin to Robert Hays, August 3, 1961.

31. Ibid.

32. “Memorial Organ,” K-Stater, October 1961, 7.

33. Ibid.

34. “Expert Praises K-State Organ,” Manhattan Mercury, November 20, 1961.

35. Ibid.

36. Richard Piper, “Stoplists,” The American Organist (May 1962), 23.

37. Jamison, 134

38. Ibid., 115.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., 151.

41. Ibid., 105–106.

42. Ibid., 121.

43. Richard Piper, “Stoplists,” The American Organist (May 1962), 23.

 

Quimby website: quimbypipeorgans.com

University website: www.k-state.edu/mtd/music

Photo credit: Tom Theis

 

GREAT

16′ Contraspitzflöte (ext 8′) 12 pipes

8′ Diapason 61 pipes

8′ Bourdon 61 pipes

8′ Spitzflöte 61 pipes

4′ Octave 61 pipes

4′ Quintadena 61 pipes

2-2⁄3′ Octave Quint 61 pipes

2′ Super Octave 61 pipes

1-1⁄3′ Fourniture IV 244 pipes

SWELL

8′ Hohlflöte 68 pipes

8′ Viola 68 pipes

8′ Voix Celeste (TC) 56 pipes

4′ Prestant 68 pipes

4′ Rohrflöte 68 pipes

2-2⁄3′ Nasard  (TC) 49 pipes

2′ Flageolet 61 pipes

1-3⁄5′ Tierce (TC) 49 pipes

2′ Mixture III 183 pipes

16′ Bass Clarinet (ext 8′) 12 pipes

8′ Trompette 68 pipes

8′ Clarinet 68 pipes

4′ Hautbois 68 pipes

Tremulant

POSITIV

8′ Nason Flute 68 pipes

8′ Dolce 68 pipes

8′ Dolce Celeste (TC) 56 pipes

4′ Nachthorn 68 pipes

2′ Oktave 61 pipes

1-1⁄3′ Larigot 61 pipes

1′ Zimbel III 183 pipes

8′ Krummhorn 68 pipes

Tremulant

8′ Bombarde (Pedal)

PEDAL

16′ Diapason 56 pipes

16′ Spitzflöte (Gt)

16′ Lieblich Gedeckt 56 pipes

8′ Octave (ext 16′)

8′ Spitzflöte (Gt)

8′ Lieblich Flöte (ext 16′)

4′ Fifteenth (ext 16′)

4′ Flöte (ext 16′)

2-2⁄3′ Mixture II 64 pipes

16′ Bombarde 80 pipes

16′ Bass Clarinet (Sw)

8′ Trompette (ext 16′)

4′ Krummhorn (Pos)

Normal assortment of couplers

32 voices, 40 ranks, 2,458 pipes

Sally Gordon-Mark

Born in New York City, Sally Gordon-Mark has French and American citizenships, lives in Europe, and is an independent writer, researcher, and translator. She is also a musician—her professional life began in Hollywood as the soprano of a teenage girl group, The Murmaids, whose hit record, Popsicles & Icicles, is still played on air and sold on CDs. Eventually she worked for Warner Bros. Records, Francis Coppola, and finally Lucasfilm Ltd., in charge of public relations and promotions, before a life-changing move to Paris in 1987. There Sally played harpsichord for the first time, thanks to American concert artist Jory Vinikour, her friend and first teacher. He recommended she study with Huguette Dreyfus, which she had the good fortune to do during the last three years before Huguette retired from the superieur regional conservatory of Rueil-Malmaison, remaining a devoted friend until Huguette passed away.

During Sally’s residence in France, she organized a dozen Baroque concerts for the historical city of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, worked as a researcher for books published by several authors and Yale University, and being trilingual, served as a translator of early music CD booklets for musicians and Warner Classic Records. She also taught piano privately and at the British School of Paris on a regular basis. In September 2020 she settled in Perugia, Italy. In May 2023 Sally will be the guest editor of the British Harpsichord Society’s e-magazine Sounding Board, devoted entirely to the memory of Huguette Dreyfus. For more information: www.sallygordonmark.com.

Read Part 1 here.

You had to be crazy to want a career. It was impossible to see what the possibilities were.

—Huguette Dreyfus¹

In 1950 Huguette Dreyfus was finding it difficult without a harpsichord of her own, a situation making it expensive to practice—a crucial problem in her case, since, like others in her generation, her training had been on the piano. She had just discovered the harpsichord in her first year (1949–1950) of Norbert Dufourcq’s music history class at the Paris Conservatory, then located on rue de Madrid. That year, he focused on the music of Johann Sebastian Bach, and Pleyel loaned him a harpsichord for his classroom. He also created an unofficial harpsichord class at the conservatory, taught by his former student, Jacqueline Masson. To practice, Huguette rented a rehearsal room upstairs in the Salle Pleyel concert hall, at 8:00 a.m. several days a week.²

During Ruggero Gerlin’s summer classes at the Accademia Chigiana in Siena, which she attended from 1953 through 1959, Huguette was always among the few students who were invited to perform a short program in the end-of-term concerts in September. Finding time to rehearse on the class harpsichord, a contemporary one with pedals by an obscure Italian maker named Cella, was difficult because it was shared by all of Ruggero Gerlin’s students, so Huguette resorted to practicing discreetly during the Italian siesta from 2:00 to 4:00 p.m.³

Huguette conferred with her mother Marguerite and her brother Pierre, knowing that it would be too expensive for the now fatherless family⁴ to purchase a new harpsichord. Her brother asked a friend who frequented auction houses to let him know if a double-manual harpsichord ever came up for sale. Nothing happened for a long time. Then in late 1957, Pierre found what was purported to be an original eighteenth-century Nicolas Blanchet double-manual harpsichord in a shop specializing in eighteenth-century French antiques—probably Maurice Bensimon’s at 5 rue Royale in Paris. Little was known about the instrument, except that it had once been in the collection of Raymond Russell. It was sold at a Sotheby’s auction in June 1956 to Pelham Galleries in London, and according to the gallery owner’s son, Alan Rubin, Bensimon was a client of Pelham’s.⁵

On January 16, 1958, Huguette flew to London to accompany violinist Madeleine Massart in a concert the next day at the French Institute. She may have met with Raymond Russell, because his address is noted in her agenda. Before flying home on January 25, she went to see the instrument collections at Fenton House and the Victoria & Albert Museum, for which Russell had recently written the catalogs. It is not known when her harpsichord was delivered or from where, but her agenda reveals that in March she was frequently in touch with Marcel Asseman, the harpsichord technician for Pleyel, Erard, and the Salle Gaveau. He worked on the instrument, but it is not known what he did.⁶ In an interview, Huguette admitted that when she first touched its keys, after having played Pleyel and Neupert harpsichords, she wondered how she would ever be able to play “the beast.” It had plectra made of plumes, making for a different attack. Huguette adapted to it: “This historical instrument was a good teacher for me. It completely changed my touch.”⁷

Huguette entered the international music competition in Geneva, Switzerland, in March 1958, and soon after gave her first radio interview on a French program, La Discothèque classique, which aired on July 29. She went to Siena as usual for her summer classes with Ruggero Gerlin at the Accademia Chigiana, and from there went directly to Geneva. 

The 14th Concours d’exécution musicale opened on September 20, 1958. Huguette arrived there alone and exhausted, and she could not speak at all as she had laryngitis. Seven harpsichord contestants had signed up—four women, three men. The first round was on stage with no audience. The players were separated by a curtain from the jury, composed of Isabelle Nef, Ralph Kirkpatrick, Thurston Dart, Ruggero Gerlin, Aimée Van de Wiele, Eta Harich-Schneider, and Eduard Müller. (With the exception of Dart and Müller, with whom Gustav Leonhardt had studied for a year, all had been students of Wanda Landowska.) The players were instructed to remain still and silent. Jill Severs, also a contestant, remembers that one of the men wore velvet slippers for playing the pedals. Huguette played a Bach prelude and fugue on a Neupert. Its sonority disturbed her, and she realized during the fugue that a coupler had been left only halfway in position. But, by listening to the music and playing with total concentration, Huguette maintained her composure.

The second round took place on October 1 at 2:00 p.m. in the conservatory auditorium. Huguette, the only remaining contestant, played before a paying audience a program of obligatory pieces by Bach, Scarlatti, and Rameau, finishing with three Mikrokosmos pieces by Bartók. The last round, a public recital, took place on October 3 in Victoria Hall:

Miss Dreyfus (France), harpsichordist, opened the round with the Concerto in G Major of Haydn, which seemed Lilliputian in the nave of Victoria Hall. Meticulous performance, faultless register, sometimes too weak given the surroundings, and a little prosaic over all.⁸

There was no winner in the harpsichord competition that year, but Huguette did receive a silver medal. Nonetheless, she was invited to perform in a concert of laureates in her hometown of Mulhouse on October 10, 1958. She received 10,000 francs for her performance of the Haydn Concerto in G. The fact that she did not win first prize did not diminish the attention that her distinction in the competition brought her. In her biography, the silver medal eventually metamorphosed into a gold one or a first prize, possibly at the insistence of her record labels because of the crucial importance given to credentials in France. 

Huguette continued traveling to Siena for summer lessons with Gerlin through 1959. On September 13, 1955, she and Jill Severs, who, like Huguette, had been coming since 1953, performed a four-hand piece written by Ferenc Sulvok, a Hungarian composition student at the Academy that summer. Another classmate was Kenneth Gilbert; the three became lifelong friends. Normally, the courses were limited to four summers, but on July 16, 1957, Gerlin wrote to Huguette, “Two words quickly to let you know that I obtained authorization from the Academy to bring back my former students to continue taking my courses for an unlimited number of times!”⁹ He invited her and Sylvie Spycket to attend and said he was happy to have acquired a Neupert harpsichord for Bach’s music, which delighted the students, too, because the Cella had been a difficult instrument to play expressively due to its hard touch.¹⁰

At the time, the important harpsichordists in France were Pauline Aubert, Marcelle Charbonnier, Marcelle Delacour, Marguérite Roesgen-Champion, Aimée Van de Wiele, and Robert Veyron-Lacroix, who played Pleyel or other contemporary harpsichords. Copies of historical harpsichords were not being made then in France. In October 1959, Huguette started meeting regularly with Michel Bernstein, founder of Valois Records and later Astrée, which specialized in early music played on period instruments. It was her former professor of musical aesthetics, Alexis Roland-Manuel, who had told Bernstein about Huguette. She invited Bernstein to her apartment so she could play her own harpsichord for him. Bernstein was dazzled; he had never heard a period harpsichord before. He asked her to sign a contract with Valois, one of the first record labels—along with Erato, Harmonia Mundi (France), and Archiv—founded after the first vinyl LP record had been invented in 1948.¹¹

There were reservations on Huguette’s part as to whether she was ready to record, but Gerlin encouraged her to go ahead and would help her by giving her extra lessons in Paris. On February 3, 1960, Huguette gave her first solo performance on the radio in the ensemble Norbert Dufourcq created, Histoire et Musique, composed of interested musicians and former students. With an immense and inspiring enthusiasm, Dufourcq presented the program: 

We and our young artists are hunting for early music manuscripts, hidden among thousands of documents, to get them published. What a joy it is for us! . . . I have tried to impart to my students the noble objective of reconstituting and reviving this music from texts that we have to transcribe.¹²

This is exactly what Huguette did; she played six pieces by D’Agincourt, which had not been published since 1733. 

Between April 26 and 28, 1960, Huguette recorded her first LPs for Valois in Copenhagen on a Bengaard harpsichord with pedals, which was felt by Michel Bernstein and Huguette to have the closest sound to a period one. François Couperin’s Pièces de clavecin, Livre II, sixième et onzième ordres (Valois, MB 798) was released in 1962 and received the prestigious Grand Prix du Disque de l’Académie Charles Cros, the first of many prizes her albums would receive.

Nouvelles Suites de Pièces de Clavecin by Jean-Philippe Rameau (Valois, MB 920) followed that year. The LP received a favorable review in one of France’s leading newspapers:

On an excellent modern harpsichord of Danish fabrication, Huguette Dreyfus plays the Nouvelles Suites de pièces written for the harpsichord by J.-P. Rameau. Huguette Dreyfus is one of the rare contemporary virtuosos who know how to draw out of the harpsichord all its resources of sound and plunge the listener into the true atmosphere of compositions from the past.¹³

Huguette made her first appearance on national French television, resplendent in an eighteenth-century dress and wig, on March 30, 1961. In the program, Voyage au pays de la musique, she played La Poule by Rameau.¹⁴ Soon afterwards, Huguette played her first solo recital on April 7, 1961, in Lyon’s Salle Witkowski and received an enthusiastic review in a local newspaper:

Miss Huguette Dreyfus gave to her audience (more numerous than had been hoped for) a beautiful harpsichord recital (of music by Chambonnières, François Couperin, J. S. Bach, and Scarlatti). . . . Miss Dreyfus revealed herself as the most exquisite and energetic of harpsichordists. Faultless technique, quivering sensitivity, elegant style, and continual accuracy.¹⁵

In 1962 she met a harpsichord maker from Grasse, Claude Mercier-Ythier, who had just opened a shop and studio in Paris specializing entirely in the sale and rental of harpsichords, À la corde pincée, the first of its kind in France since the French Revolution. It was a pivotal meeting for both, as their amicable professional association would last over forty-five years. At the time, he represented the harpsichord manufacturer Neupert, a competitor of Pleyel that gradually stopped making harpsichords by the early 1960s. Claude restored a 1754 Henri Hemsch that would become Huguette’s favorite performing instrument for concerts, summer workshops, and recordings. When Huguette toured in Europe, he often traveled with her, bringing an instrument, as Huguette never traveled with her own. Claude enjoyed telling the story of having saved Huguette on tour, when the man next to her grabbed her skirt under the dinner table and would not let go when she got up to leave.¹⁶

Huguette’s career was blossoming that year; she was concertizing in France and abroad, and her first records were successful. During her long and rich career, Huguette would tour the United States, Canada, South America, the United Kingdom, South Africa, Japan, and most of Europe. She would perform in concerts and on recordings with other illustrious artists and conductors, including friends and former students: András Adorján, Marie-Claire Alain, Olivier Baumont, Nadia Boulanger, Pierre Boulez, René Clemencic, Alfred Deller, Ruggero Gerlin, Marie-Claire Jamet, Christian Lardé (with whom she recorded twelve albums), Lily Laskine, Yannick Le Gaillard, Maxence Larrieu, Gaston Maugras, Eduard Melkus (ten albums), Yehudi Menuhin, Pierre Pierlot, Rafael Puyana, Jean-Pierre Rampal, Luciano Sgrizzi, Henryk Szeryng, Luigi Fernando Tagliavini, and Blandine Verlet.

The ensembles she performed in regularly included the Quatuor Instrumental de Lutèce with flautist Jacques Royer, oboist Emile Mayousse, and cellist Jean Deferrieux; Norbert Dufourcq’s ensemble, Musique et Histoire; the Paul Kuentz Orchestra; and the other principal Parisian orchestras: L’Orchestre Lamoureux, Le Collegium Musicum de Paris, directed by Roland Douatte, the bassoonist Fernand Oubradous’ chamber orchestra, and an ensemble that gave private concerts, Fiori musicali, created and conducted by Robert Dalsace.

On May 24, 1962, she and Christian Lardé played with Yehudi Menuhin in an ensemble directed by Nadia Boulanger,¹⁷ in a performance for the Singer-Polignac Foundation.¹⁸ It may be that Irene Kedroff, whose vocal class Huguette had accompanied for several years at the Ecole Normale de Musique, had recommended Huguette; she had been the soprano in a quartet directed by Nadia Boulanger for many years before World War II. On another occasion, in an undated letter to Huguette from her office in the Fontainebleau castle, Miss Boulanger invited her to perform in a tribute to architect Louis Le Vau by the Institut de France: “It would give me a particular pleasure to organize this concert with the gracious participation of a small group of eminent artists.”¹⁹

Huguette’s collaboration with orchestra conductor Paul Kuentz (in his 90s, he is still conducting his orchestra in Paris) gave another boost to her career—over a period of ten years, she was a featured soloist in his orchestra, going on her first tour in 1962. They performed throughout France and Belgium. The Festival Franco-Allemand de la Jeunesse took them to Cap d’Ail on the Côte d’Azur for three days in December. While Paul Kuentz’s orchestra was rehearsing, Jean Cocteau was decorating the outdoor amphitheater. In a friendly gesture, Cocteau designed the cover of their program and posed for a photograph with the orchestra.²⁰

In 1952, a Dominican priest named Henri Jarrié²¹ was appointed chaplain to the artists’ colony in Nice, where he knew Pablo Picasso, Jean Cocteau, Henri Matisse, and others. His love of music would have significant consequences for Huguette’s career in the 1960s. Being an amateur musician and composer, he supported the Fédération internationale des Jeunesses musicales by helping to organize concerts, such as those by the Kuentz Orchestra, and conference-concerts. In 1961, Father Jarrié became vicar of the Dominicans living in Saint-Maximin-La-Baume. The thirteenth-century Basilica of Saint Mary Magdalene in Saint-Maximin is home to a magnificent and historic organ with 2,692 pipes, constructed in the late eighteenth century by Jean Esprit Isnard, a Dominican brother, and his nephew, Joseph. Father Jarrié and Dr. Pierre Rochas undertook raising the funds necessary for its restoration. Philippe Bardon, one of the students in Huguette’s final class at the Conservatory of Rueil-Malmaison, now holds the title of organist at the basilica in Saint-Maximin.

The convent²² had been put up for sale by the Dominicans, and during the period in which it remained unsold, Father Jarrié opened its buildings to a summer academy and concerts. Dr. Rochas and others created the l’Académie d’été de l’orgue classique français, and Father Jarrié, with the collaboration of Bernard Coutaz, the founder of the record label Harmonia Mundi (France), created a series of concerts in the cloisters, which evolved into the annual festival, Les Soirées de musique française, the first opportunity for the modern French public to hear Baroque music.²³ Huguette regularly performed there, as did Eduard Melkus, Christian Lardé, Marie-Claire Jamet, and other eminent artists. In the audiences were intellectuals and artists who flocked to the convent every year, and this certainly helped her and others become known in the 1960s. Alfred Deller, signed to Harmonia Mundi, and Huguette performed a program of English Baroque music one year. In 1971, Father Jarrié left the priesthood to become a music teacher, giving Huguette a harpsichord piece that he had composed for her, Trois plaisanteries.²⁴

In 1963, Huguette and the Kuentz orchestra toured Canada and the eastern United States, performing mostly for universities. In the orchestra the year before, she had met flautist Christian Lardé, and they formed a trio with Jean Lamy on viola da gamba. They performed in concerts and recorded for Valois, with frequent appearances on radio and television. Their LP, Pièces de clavecin en concerts by Rameau (Valois, MB 798), released in 1963, received the Grand Prix de l’Académie du Disque Français and the Grand Prix des Discophiles in 1964. By then, Huguette had already recorded fifteen albums released on the labels Valois, Erato, and Harmonia Mundi, the latter two acting as distributors for Valois.²⁵

In 1965 Huguette met Eduard Melkus²⁶ during her first summer of teaching at the Summer Organ Academy of Classical French Music²⁷ in Saint-Maximin-La-Baume, which also offered workshops in harpsichord, flute, and chamber music. During the 1950s, the Viennese violinist had been one of a group of Austrian musicians and composers who, under the influence of Josef Mertin, professor at the Vienna Musikhochschule, created the Originalklangbewegung or “original sound movement.” This group also included René Clemencic, founder of the ensemble Musica Antiqua in 1958. The movement would influence Gustav Leonhardt, then a professor at the Vienna Music Academy, and Nikolaus and Alice Harnoncourt, all of whom Melkus, also a professor at the Academy, introduced to Mertin. 

Eduard had come to Saint-Maximin with his friend Lionel Rogg; the two were recording an LP together, Sonates galantes, for Harmonia Mundi, which had a recording studio in the convent. Huguette passed by during a rehearsal, they introduced each other, and she and Eduard ended up improvising. Out of this spontaneous combustion came a professional partnership that spanned over forty years and a close friendship that would last for the rest of Huguette’s life. They would regularly perform together in France, Austria, and abroad. She would often be a guest soloist with his chamber orchestra, the Capella Academica Wien, performing in Vienna’s prestigious Albertina Museum concert hall. Among the thirteen albums they recorded together were the “Mystery Sonatas” by Biber and award-winning LPs of Haydn trios that were recorded in Vienna, Huguette playing a historic fortepiano from Paul Badura-Skoda’s collection.²⁸

In 1967, the head of Valois Records, Michel Bernstein, launched a promotional campaign for his agents, announcing:

Since the artist’s career is becoming more and more international, and (her) records have received excellent reviews everywhere and are retransmitted on national radio, we are organizing a month of a Promotion Huguette Dreyfus, which will last from May 1st until the 31st 1967. Everyone knows Huguette Dreyfus counts among the four or five greatest harpsichordists in the world, alongside Kirkpatrick, Puyana, Malcolm and Ružicková. And on a purely national level, there’s no artist her equal.²⁹

That year, Huguette’s career was soaring, but the happiness that its success brought her was shattered by the sudden premature death of her beloved brother Pierre on May 2. He was only forty-six, and they had been very close. A surgeon, he had a sudden heart attack during an operation. Six months later, her mother passed away at the age of sixty-five. Huguette carried on with her busy schedule, but it took a long time for her to recover from her grief. She would spend the rest of her life in the apartment on Quai d’Orsay by Pont Alma that her father had purchased for the family in 1949.³⁰ At some point, she made the difficult decision not to marry, convinced that marriage was incompatible with a career, perhaps impossible if she were to have children.

The 1970s would be the apogee of the harpsichord renaissance in France. “Standing room only” was commonplace. People would wait two hours in line and still be content if they could stand in the back when all the seats were taken.³¹ The City of Paris hosted the annual Festival Estival de Paris and the semi-annual Concours international pour clavecin. In 1974, the Forum international du clavecin, sponsored by the Festival Estival, took place in Paris, featuring harpsichord makers and artists; among the soloists were Huguette, her former student Blandine Verlet, and Rafaël Puyana.³² Huguette sat on the jury of the concours many times, along with other distinguished harpsichordists like Kenneth Gilbert, Zuzana Ružicková, Scott Ross, and Rafaël Puyana.

In 1971 she left Valois Records to sign with Archiv, Eduard Melkus’s record label, which had released their recording of the Biber sonatas. He encouraged her to do so. One of her motives was her belief that she would have the chance to record Bach’s keyboard pieces in their entirety.³³ But it was her friend Zuzana Ružicková who had been given that opportunity by Erato.³⁴ Michel Bernstein would always remain bitter about what he considered her betrayal.³⁵ Huguette maintained that she had not abandoned him, that it was a reasonable decision in light of the evolution of her career. Valois, a small company, did not have its own distribution network and could not afford her the same benefits as Archiv, the early music division of its parent company, Deutsche Grammophon Gesellschaft, Deutsche Grammophon being its classical division.

In May 1973, Huguette performed in the Fifth International Harpsichord Festival in Rome. It was a prestigious event; its concerts in the Basilica of Saint Cecilia were given by some of the twentieth century’s greatest harpsichordists: Huguette, William Christie, Gustav Leonhardt, Colin Tilney, and Kenneth Gilbert. The following year, Henryk Szeryng personally telephoned Huguette to invite her to go on tour with him in Italy in May. Because Szeryng was an international celebrity, Huguette was billed as his accompanist, and his agent accordingly booked her into an inferior hotel. Szeryng was outraged and covered the expense himself for her to have a room in his own hotel.³⁶

Huguette’s student and eventual close friend, Yannick Guillou, was on holiday in Venice then, and they all enjoyed meals and museum visits together. The last day, Guillou went to the hotel to say goodbye while Huguette and Szeryng were preparing to leave for Rome. Someone at the reception desk told Guillou that Szeryng wanted to see him: “I went up and found this master whom I’d venerated since my youth (. . .) dressed only in his shoes, black socks, underpants, and a towel around his neck.”

Szeryng dictated a press release to him, announcing that the City of Venice had made him a Commanditore, telling him to deliver it the next morning. Time was passing, and an irritated Huguette knocked impatiently on the door to remind Szeryng that they had a train to catch. When Guillou, peeking around the door, said she could not enter the room because Szeryng was in his underwear, she replied, “I saw worse horrors during the war,” pushed the door wide open, and strode in.³⁷ They would perform together on many other occasions and record an album of Handel and Corelli. Szeryng told Melkus that he considered her the best harpsichordist in France.³⁸

Huguette and Szeryng were invited to play in the seventy-fifth anniversary concert season at Wigmore Hall in London along with Arthur Rubinstein, Elisabeth Schwarzkopf, Julian Bream, and other illustrious performers. In June 1977, they performed a program of Bach sonatas; she played Bach’s Partita Number 2 for her solo. Lionel Salter in a review for The Gramophone, wrote: “Her phrasing is musical, her touch varied, and her registration, while subtly varied, is an object lesson to harpsichordists with fidgety feet or who are afraid to let the music speak for itself!”³⁹

Huguette was considered France’s pre-eminent harpsichordist. In 1978 Alfred Deller wrote to Huguette, asking if she would be interested in their performing together in a duo, to which she responded enthusiastically. Over the years, they had concertized and recorded together, and he had joined her in Saint-Maximin to give masterclasses. Deller proposed a ten-day tour in the 1979–1980 season.⁴⁰ Unfortunately this project never came to fruition; he passed away on July 16, 1979.

The Japanese flautist Miwako Shirao Rey made Huguette’s acquaintance while studying with Christian Lardé at the academy in Saint-Maximin. In the summer of 1978, Huguette called on her for assistance when the director of the group Tokyo Solisten came to Paris to discuss Huguette’s agreement to perform in concert with them in Japan the following year. Miwako acted as translator and helped to make the arrangements.⁴¹ The invitation had originated with Mariko Oguino Oikawa, soloist in the ensemble, a friend of Miwako’s and Huguette’s first Japanese student. She had come to her for private lessons between 1971 and 1974, while studying at the Paris Conservatory with Robert Veyron-Lacroix. Mariko accompanied Huguette to Japan in 1979 to assist her.⁴² The concert with Huguette and the Tokyo Solisten took place on April 23, and Huguette gave a solo recital the next day. On April 29 Huguette and the Tokyo Solisten recorded three concerti of Johann Christian Bach for Columbia Records; the CD was released by Denon. 

Huguette returned to Japan in 1981 to give a concert on April 10. A reviewer remarked: “Elegant and audacious, and full of liveliness at each moment, her music satisfied us with the charming sound of the harpsichord.”⁴³

In 1982 Huguette signed a contract with the Tokyo-based Denon label for whom she would record over thirty LPs and CDs.⁴⁴ She stayed for a month in 1983, spending time with the Oikawa couple and their child Reine, who later studied intermittently with Huguette and is now a harpsichordist in Japan.⁴⁵

Sometimes in her travels and concerts, the inevitable mishaps that plague every traveling artist occurred. Once on a makeshift stage when she stood up to take a bow, she found that one of her spiked heels had caught in the planks. Smiling, she slipped her foot out, took her bow, and walked off stage, with one foot on tiptoe. Another time, during a performance of a Bach concerto for four harpsichords, the page turner of the player next to her turned the page too soon, causing the player to lose her place and stop. With presence of mind and a practiced gift for improvisation, Huguette played her colleague’s part while maintaining her own until the woman could resume playing. When Huguette traveled to meet Eduard Melkus, his favorite gift from her was cheese, a gift that Zuzana Ružicková and her husband, composer Victor Kalabis, also appreciated. So Huguette never left home without a selection of fine French cheese. Once, however, her suitcase got lost by the airlines, and she had to wait a couple days in fear that her one evening gown would turn up, reeking of rancid cheese. Fortunately when the suitcase arrived, she found that the cheese had been successfully shrink-wrapped, so her gown was safe.⁴⁶

Huguette continued to give concerts until, for reasons of health, she stopped in January 2009, after seventy years of performing in public, something she had loved to do since childhood. The day of a concert, if she was out of town, she would visit a museum. Otherwise, she would devote her attention to the upcoming concert and rehearse in the morning.

I believe a lot in the relationship between music and other forms of beauty and of art. If it is possible, before a concert, I stop concentrating on the technical execution for a moment and look outside the music for other sources of beauty—an art exhibit, architecture, a landscape, contemplation that is good for the soul and for musical interpretation. It is like giving water to a flower for it to bloom easily.⁴⁷

When she stepped onstage, she could immediately feel if the audience was receptive to her or not, or just indifferent. “The artist has to make contact without forgetting the music.”⁴⁸ When she did make contact, she rejoiced in the “success of love” even if she was dissatisfied with her performance.⁴⁹ As she told harpsichordist Richard Siegel, “If you touch someone in the audience, that’s what counts.”⁵⁰ Love, on many different levels, was what she wanted to communicate when she played. It was as if she were on fire, as if she could hardly contain the music’s energy inside her. You knew she was not thinking of individual notes when she played; she had already studied the music thoroughly, mastering its complexities, its style. It was as if she were the conduit for electric, irrepressible currents of music, flowing from a distant inexhaustible source. Whether Huguette played a Scarlatti sonata rapidly and energetically or pieces by François Couperin—La Ménetou in a measured and tender way, and Les Lis naissans very delicately—her performance was always expressive.

Expression is essential no matter what the period of music—expression that touches the soul. Expression in early music approaches speech, the expression
of language.⁵¹

She could play expressively because she was entirely present in whatever she did, giving her total attention. This stemmed from the love and respect she had for life, its creatures, and creative expression . . . a mentality that would also make her an extraordinary teacher.

To be continued.

Notes

1. Huguette Dreyfus, radio interview, Musiciens pour demain, France Musique, July 1979. 

2. Agendas, Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), Site Richelieu, VM FONDS 145 DRE-3 (5).

3. Huguette Dreyfus, interview by Denis Herlin, December 8, 2008.

4. Huguette’s father, Fernand Dreyfus, was struck and killed by a car in front of their apartment building on October 10, 1951. (Interview with Françoise Dreyfus, July 25, 2016.)

5. Alan Rubin, email to author, March 14, 2021.

6. Jean-Claude Battault, interview with author, Cité de la Musique, Paris, March 9, 2022. 

7. Huguette Dreyfus, radio interview, France Musique, July 29, 1996. 

8. Journal de Genève, No. 232, October 4–5, 1958.

9. Ruggero Gerlin, BnF, VM FONDS 145 DRE-1 (16).

10. Jill Severs, interviews with author, August 8, August 24, and September 6, 2022.

11. Michel Bernstein, Qobuz e-magazine, Les souvenirs de Michel Bernstein (VII), “Être toujours à la pointe,” https://www.qobuz.com/be-fr/info/magazine-actualites%2Fchers-disparus%2Fles-souvenirs-de-michel-bernstein32073.

12. Norbert Dufourcq, Concerts de Paris, radio program, March 31, 1960, Inathèque de France (INA), BnF, site Mitterand, Paris.

13. Colette Arnould, La Libération, Friday, May 12, 1961. 

14. Inathèque de France (INA), ID Notice CPF86642589, BnF, site Mitterand, Paris.

15. Le Dauphiné Libére, April 12, 1961.

16. Claude Mercier-Ythier, interview with author, August 5, 2016.

17. BnF VM FONDS 145 DRE-1 (19). Nadia Boulanger was one of the founding members in 1921 of the American Conservatory of Fontainebleau and its director from 1948 until her death in 1979.

18. Concert program in author’s collection. The Princess of Polignac was born Winnaretta Singer. Her father, Isaac Merritt Singer, the sewing machine manufacturer, bequeathed her a fortune, and she became the predominant patron of the most important creative people in Paris, primarily musicians, before her death in 1943. The foundation still sponsors concerts, symposiums, and other cultural events.

19. BnF VM FONDS 145 DRE-1 (19).

20. Paul Kuentz, interview by author, Paris, France, 2017. 

21. Arcade Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, October 2007. https://www.yumpu.com/fr/document/read/5783360/henri-jarrie-arcade-paca. 

22. The convent is now a hotel. The term “convent” applied originally to the structure that housed priests in orders—not monks who lived in monasteries—and nuns. It is only in recent history that the meaning changed, applying only to nuns.

23. The festival in Aix en Provence had been created in 1948, but there was no emphasis on early music.

24. Conserved in the departmental archives of the Var region, No. 64 J 1-171-64 J 25.

25. “Huguette Dreyfus, Complete Discography,” compiled by Sally Gordon-Mark, https://www.dolmetsch.com/huguettedreyfusdiscography.htm.

26. In his nineties at the time of publication of this article, Eduard is still conducting his orchestra in concert.

27. The Academy summer workshops still exist, but only organ classes are given. 

28. Eduard Melkus, conversations with author from 2016 to 2022. 

29. BnF, site Richelieu, VM FONDS 145 DRE-3 (12). 

30. Françoise Dreyfus, op. cit.

31. Mario Raskin, interview with author, October 17, 2022.

32. Information from programs in the author’s collection.

33. Eduard Melkus, op. cit.

34. Ružicková was the only harpsichordist to have recorded Bach’s work in its entirety. A box-set of all the discs was released by Warner Classics in 2016.

35. Michel Bernstein, Qobuz, op. cit. 

36. Eduard Melkus, op. cit. 

37. Yannick Guillou, letter to author, March 2, 2017.

38. Eduard Melkus, op. cit.

39. Lionel Salter, The Gramophone, BnF, VM 145 FONDS DRE-5 (3).

40. Alfred Deller, letter to Huguette Dreyfus, BnF VM FONDS DRE-1 (3).

41. Miwako Shirai Rey, email to author, October 21, 2022.

42. Miwako Shirai Rey, phone interview by author, August 16, 2022. 

43. Shigeru Oikawa, interviews by author and written account, dated September
25, 2017.

44. “Huguette Dreyfus, Complete Discography,” op. cit.

45. Aozawa Tadao, Ongaku-no-Tomo. April 1981.

46. Anecdotes related by Huguette Dreyfus to the author.

47. Huguette Dreyfus, interview, Corriere dell’Umbria, February 18, 1999. Translated from Italian to English by the author.

48. Huguette Dreyfus, interview, France Musique, July 29, 1996.

49. Huguette Dreyfus, interview, 1979, op. cit. 

50. Richard Siegel, phone interview, summer 2021. 

51. From author’s notes of conversations with Huguette Dreyfus.